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In November 1994, Italian authorities were even more alarmed when they learned of a

new assassination plot organised by elements of the Egyptian terrorist groups Al-Jihad

and Al-Gama’at Al-Islamiyya targeting Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak during a three-

day diplomatic trip to Rome.[65] As a result, the Italian police stepped up their efforts—

particularly, their focus on Shaaban’s Islamic Cultural Institute. On June 26, 1995, in a

mission codenamed “Operation Sphinx,” Italian police arrested 11 suspected members of

Al-Gama’at Al-Islamiyya (including 10 Egyptians and 1 Palestinian) and carried out formal

searches of 72 addresses across northern Italy, including Milan. The detained terrorists

were charged with criminal conspiracy, robbery, extortion, falsifying documents, and

illegal possession of firearms.[66]

One of those that Italian counterterrorism authorities were particularly seeking to

arrest, Shaykh Anwar Shaaban himself, was nowhere to be found. Evidently, having been

tipped off to the intentions of the Italian government, Shaaban had escaped and found

asylum at his mujahideen military stronghold in central Bosnia-Herzegovina.[66]

Shaaban’s Bosnian exodus marked a critical period of development for the Arab-Afghan

mujahideen in southern Europe. Despite all the Arab-Afghan propaganda decrying the

suffering of the Bosnian Muslims—just as in Afghanistan—their participation in the war

was ultimately being channeled toward an alternate purpose. By 1995, central Bosnia

was more than a mere mujahideen frontline. Instead, thanks to the work of Shaaban and

others, it had become a strategic foothold for Usama Bin Laden and his fanatical North

African allies to help infiltrate Western Europe.

With Bosnian war hostilities drawing to a close in September 1995, Anwar

Shaaban and his Italian-based Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya cohorts were free to turn their

attention and resources to issues of “more critical” importance. In late September, one of

the most important Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya leaders hiding in Europe—Abu Talal al-

Qasimy (a.k.a. Talaat Fouad Qassem)—was captured by Croat HVO forces as he

attempted to cross through Croatian territory into Bosnia-Herzegovina. Within days, the

Croats quietly rendered al-Qasimy through U.S. custody into the hands of Egyptian

authorities. At the time, a government official in Cairo noted, “[Al-Qasimy’s] arrest

proves what we have always said, which is that these terror groups are operating on a

worldwide scale, using places like Afghanistan and Bosnia to form their fighters who

come back to the Middle East… European countries like Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland,

England and others, which give sanctuary to these terrorists, should now understand it

will come back to haunt them where they live.”[68]

The first real Arab-Afghan response to Abu Talal al-Qasimy’s arrest came on

October 20, 1995, when a massive explosion shook the quiet Croatian port town of

Rijeka.[69] At 11:22am, a suicide bomber detonated 70 kilograms of TNT hidden in a

FIAT Mirafiori parked outside the Primorje-Gorani county police headquarters.[70] The

mysterious suicide-bomber was killed, two bystanders were seriously wounded, and 27

other people received lighter injuries. The bomb was powerful enough to destroy the

police headquarters and damage several nearby buildings, including a Zagreb Bank

branch and a primary school.69 In the blast debris, Croatian police found fragments a

Canadian passport belonging to the suicide bomber—who had previously been

investigated by Italian counterterrorism officials for his connections to the Islamic

Cultural Institute in Milan controlled by Anwar Shaaban.[70] The CIA later confirmed that

the bomber was “a member of Al-Gama’at [al-Islamiyya].”[73]

A day later, Western news agencies in Cairo received an anonymous faxed

communiqué allegedly from Al-Gama’at representatives, claiming responsibility for the

Rijeka bombing in order “to prove that the case of Sheik Talaat Fouad Qassem… will not

pass but will bring cascades of blood bleeding from Croatian interests inside and outside…

You Croats will be mistaken if you think that this matter will go peacefully.”[74] In their

statement, Al-Gama’at representatives firmly demanded that the Croatian government

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“release Sheikh Qassimi and apologise formally through the media… Close the gates of

hell which you have opened upon yourselves ... otherwise you will be starting a war the

end of which only Allah (God) knows.”[75] U.S. intelligence indicated that Anwaar

Shaaban was personally responsible for overseeing the suicide bombing operation in

Rijeka. The terror attack was meant to be a mere prelude to a new strategy employed by

the mujahideen. As the long Balkan war began winding down, Shaaban

“and other mujahedin leaders had begun planning to attack NATO forces which would be

sent to Bosnia.”[73] French investigators believed that the October terror attack

confirmed that the military leadership of the El-Mudzahedin Unit in Bosnia-Herzegovina

“was closely related to [Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya], both ideologically and in practice.”[77]

For several years afterwards, Croatian authorities sought other suspects believed

responsible for arranging the Rijeka bombing. Witnesses, including a police guard in the

headquarters parking lot, described a suspicious Mercedes driven by an Arab man that

sped away from the scene just before the blast. After looking at mugshots, those

witnesses were able to positively identify a wanted 36-year old Egyptian militant loyal to

Al-Gama’at Al-Islamiyya named Hassan al-Sharif Mahmud Saad. Saad, who had lived in

Cologno Monzese (a surburb of Milan), was a prominent figure at the Islamic Cultural

Institute. He even sat on the board of trustees of Anwar Shaaban’s own Italian charitable

organisation “Il Paradiso.” In Italy, Saad was known to own a FIAT 131 Mirafiori with

Bergamo plates, the very same vehicle later used in the Rijeka attack. As early as 1993,

he was traveling back and forth between Bosnia and Italy. But everyone at the ICI

mosque was aware that something was different in June 1995, when Hassan Saad

packed his family and belongings in the FIAT and left permanently for Bosnia-

Herzegovina. His friends at the ICI said he had gone away to join the El-Mudzahedin Unit

in Zenica led by Anwar Shaaban.[78]

Immediately following the premature truck bomb explosion outside foreign

mujahideen headquarters in Zenica in December 1995, Shaaban finally met his own

violent end in Bosnia-Herzegovina. During a suspicious clash with Croat HVO forces,

Shaaban and four of his closest mujahideen advisors were ritually gunned down,

seemingly harkening the end of a major era in for the Arab-Afghans in Europe. But the

influential network Shaaban was responsible for establishing in Italy and Bosnia-

Herzegovina continued to survive and prosper long after his death. The credit for this

unexpected resurgence largely goes to top Algerian mujahideen commander Abu el-Ma’ali

(a.k.a. Abdelkader Mokhtari) and his reputed lieutenant Fateh Kamel (a.k.a. “Mustapha

the Terrorist”). Kamel, who had lived in Canada since 1988, was originally from Algeria

and spent a good part of his life in a quarter of the capital Algiers.[79] His slick, polished

exterior boasted a professionalism that was matched only by his pure ruthlessness. First

trained in Afghanistan in 1991, Kamel came to the attention of Italian authorities while

encouraging attendees at Anwar Shaaban’s Islamic Cultural Institute in

Milan to join the mujahideen in Bosnia. By 1995, according to French intelligence, the El-

Mudzahedin Unit in Bosnia was headed politically by Anwar Shaaban, seconded militarily

by Abu el-Ma’ali, and in the third position was Fateh Kamel, in charge of the brigade’s

“logistical matters” (a role that consisted mostly of coordinating the transfer of weapons,

new recruits, and false documents to and from the Arab headquarters in Zenica).[80]

Investigators reviewing the phone records of lines serving the ICI between 1994 and

1995 found evidence of regular contacts between the triumvirate of Abu el-Ma’ali, Anwar

Shaaban, and Fateh Kamel.[81]

French intelligence determined that Kamel and his associates had “multiple links”

with “diverse Islamic terrorist organisations around the world, and particularly in Bosnia,

in Pakistan, in Germany, and in London.”[82] Between 1994 and 1997, Fateh Kamel

moved constantly between (at least) Milan, Montreal, Paris, Hamburg, Frankfurt, Zagreb,

Bosnia, Copenhagen, Austria, Slovenia, Freibourg (Germany), Morocco, Ancone (Italy),

Istanbul, Belgium, and Amsterdam.[83] Kamel was recorded on one occasion by Italian

intelligence, discussing potential terror attacks and bragging to his henchmen, “I do not

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fear death… because the jihad is the jihad, and to kill is easy for me.”[84] He hated the

very society he lived in and cynically mocked Western attitudes towards Muslims: “And

you know, the people [here] imagine a Muslim on the back of a camel, four wives behind

him and the bombs that explode… terrorists, terrorists, terrorists.”[85] In another

communications intercept in 1996, just after the end of the Bosnian war, Kamel confided

in his terrorist partners, “I prefer to die than go to jail. I almost lost my wife. I am 36

years old with a son four and a half months old. My wife is playing with him and me, I

am here. I am almost a soldier.”[86]

The evidence in Kamel’s addressbook alone seems to confirm his role as a key

liaison and coordinator between assorted European sleeper cell terrorist networks and

senior Al-Qaida commanders based in Bosnia and Afghanistan. Among other numbers,

Fateh Kamel had several contacts for Akacha Laidi (a.k.a. Abderrahmane Laidi, Abou

Amina), a senior GIA member in the UK. One of the numbers with Akacha’s name

actually reached Djamal Guesmia, a terrorist widely known to be working with both the

GIA and its successor group, the Algerian Salafist Group for Prayer and Combat (GSPC).

[87] Fateh Kamel drew particularly close to loose network of units of North African

immigrants and European converts to Islam who had come to aid the mujahideen during

the early stages of the Bosnian war. For all intensive purposes, he became their

handler, giving assistance and issuing orders on behalf of Anwar Shaaban and Abu el-

Ma’ali.

In 1996, following the sudden death of Shaaban in central Bosnia, Kamel

suddenly began activating “Bosniak” terror units implanted in Europe, instructing them to

prepare for new jihad operations to take place inside France and Italy. Between August 6-

10, 1996, Kamel stayed at the Milan apartment of two GIA supporters, including Rachid

Fettar, who had close ties to the masterminds of the 1995 Paris metro bombing spree.

Fettar was well-placed in the GIA leadership hierarchy, considered the “heir” to the

European extremist network established by Safé Bourada, the deputy-in-command of the

Algerian terror cell deemed responsible for the metro bombings.[88] Thus, Kamel’s visit

to Fettar and his companion Youcef Tanout came with a definite purpose: to direct a

terror cell in the construction and deployment of more crude gas-canister bombs like

those used during the Paris metro campaign.

Kamel respected Rachid Fettar as an equal and complained to him that Tanout

and the others were too reluctant to produce the explosives without elaborate and

timeconsuming covert procedures. “I insisted as much as I could, but there was nothing I

could do. In France, we can make [the bombs], even if their destination is France. You

know very well that in France, I have no problems; I return and I leave when I want,

clandestinely.”[89] In a discussion with the more amateurish Youcef Tanout, Kamel coldly

asked, “What are you afraid of? That everything will explode in your house? Tell me at

least if Mahmoud has gotten the gas canister.” Tanout meekly related to Kamel how one

of his fellow cell members had sought the shelter and anonymity of a nearby deep forest

in order to fabricate the required bombs. He admitted to Kamel, “I feel no shame in

telling you that I am extremely afraid.”[90] Evidently, Tanout’s hesitant concerns were

well founded; on November 7, 1996, both himself and Fettar were arrested and their

Milan apartment was searched by experienced Italian counterterrorism investigators.

They discovered two 400-gram gas canisters, five remote-control transmitters, 38

metallic cylinders, and other bomb-making materials.[91]

Though Fateh Kamel’s gas canister terror plot in Milan never reached fruition, it

provided ominous clues as to what was to develop across Western Europe in the

following decade. In many ways, the early Italian-based mujahideen sleeper cells under

the lead of Kamel, Anwar Shaaban, and Abu el-Ma’ali were the direct prototype for

contemporary European-based North African militant networks responsible for carrying

out such operations as the March 2004 commuter train bombings in Madrid, Spain.

Members of Fateh Kamel’s brotherhood of fighters continue to enter and leave the

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Balkans even today. When Kamel’s “right-hand-man” in Bosnia—Moroccan Karim Said

Atmani—was released from a French prison cell in the spring of 2005, he immediately left

on a flight to Sarajevo where he was greeted at the airport by a “known commander of

the Bosnian mujahideen… tied to the international Islamic terrorist movement.”[92] After

substantial pressure was brought to bear on local law enforcement authorities in BiH,

Atmani was finally deported from the region in early 2006 and sent back home to North

Africa.

Scandinavia and Northern Europe

Even as early as the Bosnian war, the unlikely region of Scandinavia had become

an important tactical base for Islamic militant groups from the Middle East. Countries like

Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were perceived as tolerant and willing to grant political

asylum even to militant leaders on the run from law enforcement and intelligence

agencies. In Scandinavia, these wanted men knew they could expect “the same freedom

as [in] the US.”[93] A March 1995 magazine printed by supporters of Al-Gama’at al-

Islamiyya noted that “influential guides” within the Egyptian jihadi movement had

nonetheless been able to secure “political asylum in Norway” despite the reluctance of

the Norwegian Embassy in Cairo to become involved in such proceedings.[42] Even the

undisputed top leader of Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya—Shaykh Omar Abdel Rahman

(currently serving a life sentence in a maximum security U.S. prison)—boasted in

interviews with mujahideen newsletters of his numerous trips to Europe, “passing

through Britain, Denmark, Sweden, and many other countries.”[95]

Unbeknownst to most Danes, by 1993, the city of Copenhagen was perhaps the

most important safe haven for Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya in all of Europe. At the head of

Al-Gama’at’s weighty delegation in Copenhagen was the legendary Shaykh Abu Talal al-

Qasimy, among the first Muslim clerics involved in supporting the Bosnian jihad. Al-

Qasimy was imprisoned several times by the Egyptian government both previous to and

following the assassination of the late President Anwar Sadat. Shortly thereafter, he was

able to use fake travel documents to escape Egypt and join the growing number of

militant Muslim exiles fighting Soviet forces in Afghanistan. While there, al-Qasimy “made

an appointment with Jihad in the path of Allah, and… embraced the rifle.”[96]

During time spent in nearby Pakistan, Abu Talal al-Qasimy established Al-Gama’at’s

official magazine, Al-Murabeton, and wrote most of the early issues.

In January 1993, under pressure from the U.S., the Pakistani government

suddenly reversed its position on supporting the jihad in Afghanistan and ordered the

closure of remaining Arab mujahideen offices in Pakistan—threatening official

deportation to any illegal foreign fighters who attempted to remain in Pakistan. These

displaced men faced a serious problem, because return to their countries of origin meant

certain arrest, torture, and likely death. At the time, a Saudi spokesman for the Arab-

Afghans in Jeddah explained in the media, “the Algerians cannot go to Algeria, the

Syrians cannot go to Syria or the Iraqis to Iraq. Some will opt to go to Bosnia, the others

will have to go into Afghanistan permanently.”[97]

According to Dr. Abdullah Azzam’s son Hudhaifa, Abu Talal al-Qasimy was

forced to flee across the border into Afghanistan because he was “ordered by name to be

captured and sent to Egypt by the Pakistani government.” But, “before they caught

[him], [he]… got a visa to foreign countries.”[98] In fact, Al-Qasimy had found political

asylum in Denmark, where he continued to spread his radical message at the foreign

office of Al-Murabeton in Copenhagen.[99] One of the other four editors working in

Copenhagen was reportedly Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri, the leader of the Egyptian Islamic

Jihad movement and second-in-command of Usama Bin Laden’s Al-Qaida.[100] Al-

Qasimy was also a close friend of the Amir of the Bosnian mujahideen, Anwar Shaaban,

and took an aggressive, committed, and hands-on role in the Bosnian jihad.

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On April 24, 1993, Abu Talal al-Qasimy convened in Copenhagen arguably one

of the most important meetings of pan-Islamic militant leaders ever to take place inside

of Europe. The other participants included Shaykh Anwar Shaaban from Milan and Imam

Shawki Mohammed (a.k.a. Mahmoud Abdel al-Mohamed), the firebrand cleric at the Al-

Sahaba mosque in Vienna—considered by Italian intelligence at the time to be “a most

important representative of Sunni radicalism in Europe” who was fixated on “the situation

of the mujahiddin in the former Yugoslavia.”[42] Abu Talal hoped that this “meeting of

minds” would serve as the impetus for the creation of a “Shura Council of the European

Union”—a coalition of like-minded Middle Eastern extremist groups with a common

presence and interest in Western Europe. The “Shura Council” was to be developed as an

autonomous command organism capable of “coordinating and making decisions” without

consulting Al-Gama’at al-Islamiyya or Al-Jihad leaders located far off in Egypt or

Afghanistan. One of the main reasons for establishing a unified leadership nucleus was to

fully mobilise shared resources in Europe to support nearby ongoing jihad operations in

North Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina.[42] A note from the diary of Anwar Shaaban

written just days before meeting Abu Talal in Copenhagen cites the collective importance

of providing assistance “to the Algerian, Tunisian, Senegalese, and Bosnian

brothers.”[42]

Like Shaaban in Milan, Abu Talal al-Qasimy used his position of prominence

while in Copenhagen to establish a circle of like-minded disciples, such as Palestinian

Muslim cleric Ahmed Abu Laban (a.k.a. Abu Abdullah al-Lubnani) who arrived in Denmark

in 1993. Though he speaks little Danish, Abu Laban has gradually established a persona

for himself as the de-facto representative of the minority Muslim community in Denmark,

appearing in local media reports and in meetings with government officials. An August

2005 article in the respected Washington Post even referred to Abu Laban as “one of

Denmark’s most prominent imams.”[104]

Yet, despite his disarming exterior, Italian intelligence recorded visits by Abu

Laban to Anwar Shaaban’s ICI in Milan “many times” for “conferences” and

“community prayers.”[42] When news of the capture of Abu Talal al-Qasimy in Croatia

filtered back to Denmark, Ahmed Abu Laban led an angry protest of 500 local Muslims in

downtown Copenhagen outside the Croatian embassy. During the October 1995 protest

(which included an appearance by al-Qasimy’s wife), demonstrators “raised their fists and

shouted ‘Allahu Akhbar!’” In interviews with journalists, Abu Laban condemned Egypt, the

United States, and Croatia as “the beneficiaries” of Abu Talal’s capture en route to Muslim

forces in central Bosnia-Herzegovina.[106]

In early 2006, Ahmed Abu Laban re-appeared in international media after he

helped provoke a new series of violent protests across the Muslim world in reaction to

cartoons published in Scandinavian magazines that lampooned the Prophet Mohammed.

The controversial cartoons failed to attract widespread interest among Muslims outside of

Europe when they first printed in the Danish publication Jyllands-Posten during the fall of

2005. On November 18—in an interview with an Islamic press agency—Abu Laban

announced that he would lead a delegation of Danish Muslims touring across the Middle

East in a bid to draw pan-Islamic attention to the cartoons issue:

“A delegation will visit Cairo to meet with Arab League Secretary Amr Moussa and Grand

Imam of Al-Azhar Sheikh Mohammad Sayyed Tantawi… The delegation will also visit

Saudi Arabia and Qatar to meet with renowned Muslim scholar Sheikh Yussef Al-

Qaradawi… We want to internationalise this issue so that the Danish government would

realise that the cartoons were not only insulting to Muslims in Denmark but also to

Muslims worldwide… It was decided to take such a step because it is wrong to turn a

blind eye to the fact that some European countries discriminate against their Muslims on

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the grounds that they are not democratic and that they can not understand western

culture.”[107]

During meetings with Muslim leaders, the delegation led by Abu Laban displayed the

cartoons published by Jyllands-Posten—along with several other much more offensive

items that had never actually been published in Scandinavia, including a cartoon

depicting the Prophet having sexual intercourse with a dog. Other printed materials

distributed in conjunction with Abu Laban’s campaign contained several other

inflammatory and misleading rumours about the would-be “oppression” of Danish

Muslims.[108] Within weeks, as a result of Abu Laban’s relentless incitement, the cartoon

controversy spun out of control, resulting in angry mobs attacking Scandinavian

diplomatic facilities in Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Pakistan, and the Palestinian territories.

Likewise, in neighbouring Sweden, local cells of North African extremists who had

initially organised themselves around the need to support to fellow jihadists in

Afghanistan, North Africa, and the Balkans eventually developed into an elaborate

regional network for terrorist recruitment, financing, and other illicit activities. According

to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, the Stockholm office of a fraudulent Arab-Afghan

charitable group known as “Human Concern International” (HCI) served as cover during

the mid-1990s for a major covert Bosnian arms smuggling operation.[73] European

Muslim newsletters advertised that due to a wealth of contributions from “the increasing

Muslim population in Sweden,” the HCI branch in Stockholm had already successfully

“equipped the Mujahideen in Afghanistan… The organisation has succeeded in gathering

more than half million Kroner last year, and it has been sent to the Mujahideen in

Afghanistan. We are still helping the Arab youths to go to Afghanistan thus to contribute

in the Jihad.”[110] The newspaper Le Monde confirmed that French national police

suspected that HCI’s offices in Croatia and Sweden had acted as possible “staging points”

for the GIA terrorist cell responsible for a July 25, 1995 bomb attack on the Paris metro

system.[111] In the wake of the Paris bombing, Swedish authorities arrested and held a

suspected GIA member Abdelkerim Deneche who was living in Stockholm at the time.

Deneche had previously been fingered in French news media as a former employee of the

HCI office in Zagreb.

Not to be outdone by their British colleagues, groups of young Algerian radicals

from Sweden were also traveling directly to Bosnia seeking to physically join in the jihad

against the “Christian Crusaders.” On September 19, 1993, one of these Swedish

mujahideen recruits—“Abu Musab al-Swedani”—was killed in a battle with Croatian HVO

forces near the central Bosnian town of Kruscica (near Vitez). According to friends, Abu

Musab was born in Sweden to a Swedish mother and an Algerian father. He grew up in

Scandinavia, but at age 20, suddenly developed an intense interest in studying Islam. He

travelled to Saudi Arabia on a personal pilgrimage to learn Arabic and study the Islamic

Shariah (religious law). During the nearly two years he spent in the Arabian Peninsula, he

became a devout, fundamentalist who, upon his return to Sweden, began actively

prosthelytising his religion to others around him, including his family and

relatives.[112]

The jihad in Afghanistan was making major international headlines during this

period of the late 1980s, catching the avid attention of the pro-Islamist community in the

West. Abu Musab “began to follow the news of the Muslims around the world and in

particular the killing of the Muslims and their expulsion from their homes. He then

understood that there is no dignity for the Muslims except through Jihad.” Abu Musab

travelled to Peshawar, the “gateway to jihad,” with another young, radical Muslim who

was already a member of the mujahideen. After some hesitation, he soon ventured forth

into Afghanistan to seek combat training and to fight on behalf of the Islamic revolution.

When the Afghan jihad ended, Abu Musab returned home to Sweden and married a

Muslim woman. But, in 1992, he once again decided to make a jihadi pilgrimage—this

time in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Abu Musab al-Swedani arrived in the region and joined up

with the extremists based in the camp on Mt. Igman, under the lead of “General” Abu

Ayman al-Masri.[112] After surviving several months of combat, Abu Musab was finally

killed by a sniper’s bullet while in the midst of a chaotic mujahideen military offensive

aimed at driving Croatian forces out of Muslim central Bosnia.[112] Al-Swedani’s

biography and photo were later publicised in the pioneering English-language jihad

propaganda film “The Martyrs of Bosnia,” produced by accused London-based Al-Qaida

operative Babar Ahmad.[112]

As a testament to what had been achieved, when the mujahideen military

campaign in Bosnia-Herzegovina came to a sudden halt in September 1995, the

predominantly Algerian arms smuggling and recruitment network based in Stockholm

continued their ongoing activities virtually unabated. Jihad became a hot topic of

discussion and a host of individuals surfaced in Scandinavia claiming to represent various

Islamic extremist movements—including “Abu Fatima al-Tunisi” (a spokesman for a

Stockholm-based Islamic group), and “Abu Daoud al-Maghrebi” (a Swedish-based activist

working on behalf of the GIA in Northern Europe).[116] Even the Nusraat al-Ansaar

newsletter—the semi-official publication of the GIA’s foreign delegation in Europe—

offered a correspondence address at Box 3027 in Haninge, Sweden.[117]

Indeed, Swedish-based militants who were initially mobilised by ongoing jihadi

conflicts in Bosnia and Afghanistan were also the first to establish an official

Arablanguage Internet homepage for the notorious Algerian GIA, with an entire sub-

section dedicated just to “terrorism.”[118] These same individuals began to distribute

Arabiclanguage jihad training manuals on the Internet, many of which have become

classic documents in the online world of the mujahideen—including a lengthy book titled

“The Restoration of the Publication of the Believers,” written by Egyptian Islamic Jihad

leader Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri. When it was published on the Internet from Sweden,

Zawahiri’s book still carried a watermark on the cover from 1996 identifying it as the

property of “Muslimska Forsamilingen i Brandbergen, Jungfrugaten 413 N.B.” in the town

of Haninge.[119]

Conclusions

To some degree, all major conflicts in the Islamic world have a bearing on

Muslim social and political attitudes in Europe. Yet, the proximity of Bosnia-

Herzegovina to Europe and the underlying nature of the conflict in the Balkans (pitting an

embattled and forgotten Muslim minority against two larger Christian “crusader” forces)

caused an infusion of European youth that no such conflict had previously seen. Bosnia

became a rallying cry and the impetus for disparate groups of Islamic extremists spread

across Western Europe to come together in common cause. It was a mobilisation drive

that simply never stopped when the Dayton Accords were signed and the Bosnian war

ended.

The recent discovery of a transnational terrorist network anchored in Sarajevo—

and with branches in Sweden, Denmark, and the United Kingdom—is further evidence of

the extent to which the jihad in Bosnia still influences Western European mujahideen

networks. Last fall, Bosnian authorities announced a series of arrests in connection with a

security sweep known as Operation Mazhar. The men taken into custody had purchased

explosives and allegedly planned to carry out suicide attacks against Western targets

across Europe. The leader of the cell, Swedish national Mirsad Bektasevic (a.k.a.

“Maximus”) was initially based in Sweden and then travelled on to Bosnia “to plan an

attack aimed at forcing Bosnia or another government to withdraw forces from Iraq and

Afghanistan.”[120]

In a videotape recovered by Bosnian police, masked militants were shown

building explosives while another individual—allegedly Bektasevic himself—explained to

the camera, “This weapon will be used against Europe, against those whose forces are in

Iraq and Afghanistan… These two brothers ... have given their lives to God to help their

brothers and sisters. We are here and we are planning and we have got everything

ready.” Mobile phone records also showed that Bektasevic was communicating with other

known extremists based in Denmark and the United Kingdom.[120] He was also believed

to be running a recruitment operation sending young European jihadi recruits on to Abu

Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq.[122] Moreover, at least one of the suspects arrested in Bosnia-

Herzegovina in connection with the Bektasevic network was the former accountant of a

financial front company run by veterans of the El-Mudzahedin Unit in Sarajevo and

Zenica.

Thus, the brotherhood of radical Muslims forged as a result of the conflict in

Bosnia-Herzegovina continues to present a formidable challenge for European

intelligence and law enforcement. In the future, it is crucial for Western security

agencies to pool information on the identities of any foreign nationals known to have

joined mujahideen forces in the Balkans—just as they have done for Afghanistan and

Iraq. Moreover, European nations must provide further resources and investigative

support to Bosnian Muslim authorities in their drive to uproot remaining pockets of

foreign extremists. Without substantial international assistance, it is doubtful that the

Bosnians can alone shoulder this weighty and complex security responsibility.

Sources:

1. Interview with Shaykh Abu Hamza al-Masri at the Finsbury Park Mosque; June 28, 2002.

2. Video interview clip of Abu Ibrahim al-Brittanee; 21-years old, Goulders Green, London.

3. “The Jihad in Bosnia.” Al-Daawah (Islamabad). P.O. Box 3093; Islamabad, Pakistan. Publisher: Shaykh

Waseem Ahmed. January 1993.

4. Azzam Publications. “In the Hearts of Green Birds.” Audiocassette tape transliterated by Salman Dhia

Al-Deen. http://www.azzam.com.

5. “Review of the Information on Activities of the Persons from Afro-Asian Countries Directly Before the

War and During the War in the Territory of BIH Republic.” Report written by the BIH Administration of

the Military Security Service– Department for Analytical and Informative Affairs.” Sarajevo; May 6, 1995.

6. “Shema Hijerarnijskim Odnosa OpO ‘VAZAL.’” Report written by the ARBiH Military Intelligence

Service. November 28, 1995. See sections marked: “Lica Sa Kojima Kontaktira Abu Maali Hasan” and

“Donatori Jedinice ‘El Mudzahidin.’”

7. http://52.374.4.873subf93:XOmlosa487987172719УШ

8. “Disruption of the enemy’s activities.” Memorandum dispatched from Zenica by Colonel Ramiz Dugalic,

commander of the Ministry of Defense Security Administration – Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBiH) Security Service Department. Classified No. 258-33.

September 14, 1994.

9. http://57.703.11.966subf55:OSlecqs136548171343ЧГ

10. http://50.854.4.346plusf08:MFmtwzl673468422ОЂ

11. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. “Requisitoire Definitifaux aux Fins de Non-Lieu. De

Non-Lieu partiel. De Requalification. De Renvoi devant le Tribunal Correctionnel, de mantien sous

Controle Judiciaiare et de maintien en Detention.” Cour D’Appel de Paris; Tribunal de Grande Instance

de Paris. No. Parquet: P96 253 3901.2. Page 157.

12. “Jucio a la Célula Espanola de Al Qaeda.” El Mundo (Spain). June 6, 2005.

http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2005/06/06/espana/1118066833.html.

13. “Spanish court jails 18 in al-Qaida trial.” Al-Jazeera. September 26, 2005.

14. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 169.

15. Philps, Alan. “New ‘arc of crisis’ fuels fears over Muslim aggression.” The Daily Telegraph (London).

October 8, 1992. Page 15.

16. Aydintasbas, Asla. “Why they can’t turn their backs on the veil.” The Independent (London). April 28,

1994. Page 22.

17. Unidentified video interview of “Abu Ibrahim.” Originally obtained from the Finsbury Park Mosque,

London.

18. http://52.367.9.741subf39:MFthkko981463710363ЉС

19. Sohail A Osman (sohail@muslimsonline.com). “Subject: Global Jihad Fund.” Newsgroup:

soc.religion.islam. August 30, 1998.

20. “Global Jihad Fund: Mission Statement.” http://www.ummah.net/jihad/about.htm. November 2000.

21. Mohammed Sohail (info@zakat.org.uk). “One Deen, One Ummah, One Struggle.” Newsgr:alt.religion.islam. Jan 31, 1996.

22. Sohail A Osman (sohail@muslimsonline.com). “Subject: Global Jihad Fund.” Newsgroup: soc.religion.islam. Aug 30, 1998.

23. Hastings, Chris and Jessica Berry. “Muslim militia training in Britain.” The Ottawa Citizen. November 07, 1999. Page A6.

24. Frost, Bill. “British troops poised to quit Vitez base.” The Times (London). June 14, 1993.

25. Bishop, Patrick. “Islamic warriors lead Balkan attack.” The Daily Telegraph. June 14, 1993. Page 10.

See also: O’Kane, Maggie. “Mujahedeen fighting in Bosnia, British say.” The Guardian (London). June 14, 1993. Page A6.

26. “Moslem fighters ‘led by Briton.’” Daily Mail (London). October 29, 1993. Page 2.

27. Azzam Publications. “In the Hearts of Green Birds.” Audiocassette transliterated by Salman Dhia Al Deen.

28. Azzam Publications. “Under the Shades of Swords.” Audiocassette sequel to “In the Hearts of Green

Birds.” November 1997. Azzam Recordings; London, UK.

29. http://40.375.-3.768subf62:OKblmcw394717197273ЊУ

30. http://52.528.13.393plusf91:AIsmuck789717881861РУ

31. http://59.911.10.748plusf67:PSkrhkc631974631849СИ

32. O’Connor, Mike. “5 Islamic Soldiers Die in Shootout With Croats.” The New York Times. December 16, 1995. Page 6.

39. Muir, Hugh. “British Muslim convert jailed for terrorism offences.” The Guardian (London). September 24, 2005.

42. Italian Division of General Investigations and Special Operations (DIGOS) Anti-Terrorism Report. “Searches at the Islamic

Cultural Center, Viale Jenner 50, Milano, 6/26/1995.” Dated September 15, 1997.

44. Ibid.

46. United States v. Usama bin Laden, et al. S(7) 98 Cr. 1023 (LBS). United States District Court, Southern District of New

York. Trial Transcript, February 21, 2001. Pages 1106-1107.

47. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 99.

51. Italian Division of General Investigations and Special Operations (DIGOS) Anti-Terrorism Report. “Searches at the Islamic

Cultural Center, Viale Jenner 50, Milano, 6/26/1995.” Dated September 15, 1997. See: Shaaban, Anwar. “Conversations Among

Friends: Where is the Damage?” Sawt al-Haqq Magazine. No. 66; June 1995.

58. Higgins, Andrew and Christopher Cooper. “CIA-backed team used brutal means to break up terrorist cell in Albania.” The

Wall Street Journal. November 20, 2001.

59. Ibid.

60. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. …………. Page 97.

61. United States v. Usama bin Laden, et al. S(7) 98 Cr. 1023 (LBS). United States District Court, Southern District of New

York. Trial Transcript, February 20, 2001. Page 997.

62. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 94. See also: “Italian police arrest alleged Tunisian militant.”

Reuters. September 29, 2002.

63. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. …………. Page 96.

64. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. …………. Page 96.

65. Rodan, Steve. “Mubarak on a powder keg.” The Jerusalem Post. June 30, 1995. Page 11.

66. Willan, Philip. “Italians arrest suspected Islamic militants.” United Press International. June 26, 1995.

68. Ibrahim, Youssef, M. “Muslim militant leader arrested on way to Bosnia, Egypt reports.” The Houston Chronicle. September

24, 1995. Sec. A; Page 31.

69. Croatian Radio. Broadcast in Serbo-Croat language in Zagreb. October 20, 1995; 1600 GMT.

70. Gatti, Fabrizio. “1995: From Milan a car bomb leaves for Fiume.” Corriere della Sera (Italy). November 11, 2001.

73. January 1996 CIA Report on “International Islamic NGOs” and links to terrorism. Page 13. See also: Affidavit by Senior

Special Agent David Kane (Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Department of Homeland Security). United States

of America v. Soliman S. Biheiri. United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, Alexandria Division. Case #:

03-365-A. August 14, 2003. Page 2.

74. “Egyptian Radical Group Claims Bombing in Croatia.” The Associated Press. October 21, 1995.

75. “Jamaa claims Croatia bombing, Mubarak cancels New York trip.” Deutsche Presse-Agentur. October 21, 1995.

77. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. …………. Page 160.

78. Gatti, Fabrizio. “1995: From Milan a car bomb leaves for Fiume.” Corriere della Sera (Italy). November 11, 2001.

79. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 7.

80. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 99.

81. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 100.

82. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 126.

83. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 148.

84. Pyes, Craig and Josh Meyer et al. “Bosnia Seen as Hospitable Base and Sanctuary for Terrorists.” The Los Angeles Times.

October 7, 2001. Page A1.

85. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 104.

86. “Mustapha the Terrorist.” National Post (Canada). February 24, 2001.

87. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 146.

88. “Bombing trial opens in Paris.” CNN Online. November 24, 1997. See also: Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard.

“Requisitoire Definitifaux aux Fins de Non-Lieu. De Non-Lieu partiel. De Requalification. De Renvoi devant le Tribunal

Correctionnel, de mantien sous Controle Judiciaiare et de maintien en Detention.” Cour D’Appel de Paris; Tribunal de Grande

Instance de Paris. No. Parquet: P96 253 3901.2. Page 105.

89. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 103.

90. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 105.

91. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 105.

92. Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Jean-Francois Ricard. ………….Page 109.

93. Interview of Ahmed Zaidan by Steven Emerson and Khalid Duran. October 25, 1993.

95. “Dr. Omar Abdul Rahman to Nida’ul Islam: ‘Muslims Should Continue to Call to Allah and Struggle Relentlessly For His

Sake.” Nida’ul-Islam. Issue No. 16; December 1996/January 1997. http://www.islam.org.au/articles/16/dromar.htm.

96. Sheikh Abu Ithar. “Sheikh Abu Talal Al-Qasimy, Infatuated With the Pen and the Spear.” Al-Nida’ul Islam. Issue 21;

December-January 1997-1998. http://www.islam.org.au.

97. Evans, Kathy. “Pakistan clamps down on Afghan Mojahedin and Orders Expulsion of Arab Jihad Supporters.” The Guardian

(London). January 7, 1993. Page 7.

98. Interview of Hudhaifa Azzam by Steven Emerson and Khalid Duran. October 21, 1993.

99. Sheikh Abu Ithar. “Sheikh Abu Talal Al-Qasimy, Infatuated With the Pen and the Spear.” Al-Nida’ul

Islam. Issue 21; December-January 1997-1998. http://www.islam.org.au.

100. “MSANEWS EGYPT UPDATE: June 27, 1995: Zawahiri, Kassim, Ben Laden and the gang .. and a brotherly gesture from

Russia (fwd).” MSANews. June 27, 1995.

104. Sullivan, Kevin. “Denmark Tries to Act Against Terrorism as Mood in Europe Shifts.” Washington Post. August 29, 2005.

106. Nasrawi, Salah. “Islamic Group Warns Americans Over Conviction of Sheik.” October 3, 1995.

107. Qenawi, Ayman. “Danish Muslims ‘Internationalize’ Anti-Prophet Cartoons.” Islam Online. November 18, 2005.

http://islamonline.net/English/News/2005-11/18/article02.shtml.

108. Vidino, Lorenzo. “Creating Outrage.” National Review Online. February 6, 2006.

109. http://52.491.13.351subf93:XLlymxo638971763265ВЦ

110. Al-Ghuraba Magazine. The Islamic Student Association in the U.K. and Ireland. P.O. Box 82; Leeds, UK L53 1DZ. No. 7;

July 1989. Page 22.

111. “Paris bomb suspect says has alibi in Sweden-report.” Reuters. August 23, 1995.

116. “Algeria’s GIA warns of impostors operating in its name in Europe.” Mideast Mirror. Vol. 9, No. 51. March 15, 1995.

117. Mirak-Weissbach, Muriel. “The case of the GIA: Afghansi out of theater.” Executive Intelligence Review. October 13, 1995.

118. http://www.zyworld.com/gia/gia.htm. July 2001. See also: Holmstrom, Mj. Conny. “Terroristorganisationer pa Internet, en

mojlighet eller realitet?” Forsvarshogskolan C-uppsats. June 19, 2001. Page 70.

http://www.annalindhbiblioteket.se/publikationer/uppsatser/2001/chp9901/holmstrom_1064.pdf.

119. http://www.geocities.com/doktorayman/ayman.zip. December 2004.

120. “Bosnia says trio planned suicide attacks in Europe.” Reuters. April 18, 2006.

122. Hosenball, Mark. “Target Washington?” Newsweek. November 4, 2005.

2.37 Justification of Muslim crime against non-Muslims

According to the Salafists, non-Muslims are lesser people. By saying this they justify the

behaviour of young Muslim criminals who target the non-Muslims whilst they never touch

fellow Muslims. They told me that drug trafficking is perfectly acceptable as long as one

only sells to non-Muslims. They told me that stealing from non-Muslims is allowed as long

as one does not harm fellow Muslims. One day our office was burgled and our computers

were stolen. All except the two computers belonging to our two Muslim colleagues. You

don’t steal from brothers or sisters! The culprits were YfI-members.

Many victims of burglaries in houses and cars, of steaming and other forms of violence,

can testify that aggression by Muslims is not directed against brothers and sisters, but

against whoever is a kafir, a non-believer. Young Muslims justify their behaviour towards

women who do not wear the headscarf, whether Muslim or non-Muslim, by referring to

the Salafist teaching which says that these women are whores and should be treated as

such. They told me this. I wrote it down in my reports, but the authorities refuse to hear

it.

Of course Mr Ramadan disapproves of the young criminals’ behaviour. Of course the YfI

leadership disapproves too. But I am convinced they are double-faced. In public, when

talking to Westerners, such as the media and the authorities, they condemn the

criminals, but they continue to spread the ideas which the criminals use to justify their

acts.

Source:

http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/1970

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