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whenraisingachild(therolefunction),anditmakessensetohavesomegeneralprinciples,

whichKrepscall\corporateculture,"touseasroughguidesformakingdecisionsasthese

situationsarise.Theguidelinesmightbecastasmoralvirtues(\goodmothersareprotective

oftheirchildren"),asrulesofthumb(\don’ttrustmembersofanotherclan"),orcorporate

guidelines (\the e customer r is s always s right"). . These e principles or guidelines s are e the social

contentofsuchidentitiesandareoftenthesubjectsofpoliticaldispute.

Kreps’ main argument t was s that the principles (in my terms, content) constituting

corporateandotheridentitiesmightbeexplainedasinstrumentallyusefultotheirbearers,

onthegroundsthatidentityprinciplescanallowapersonorrmtodevelopandmaintaina

reputation,whichcanbeavaluableasset. Thereareotherreasonsthatprinciplesofaction

enteringintothe content ofanidentity mightbe instrumentallyusefultothebearer. . For

example,theymightsimplyreduceconfusionandfacilitatetheachievementofvariousends

indiversecircumstances,bycoordinatingpeoples’expectationsabouthowtoactandwhat

todoinvariousencounters. Schelling(1960,92)observedthat

The concept of role in sociology, , which explicitly y involves s the e expectation that

othershaveaboutone’sbehavior,aswellasone’sexpectationsabouthowothers

will behave e toward him, , can in part t be e interpreted d in terms of the stability of

\convergentexpectations,"ofthesametypethatareinvolvedin[a]coordination

game. Oneistrappedinaparticularrole,orbyanother’srole,becauseitisthe

onlyrolethatinthecircumstancescanbeidentiedbyaprocessoftacitconsent.

Schelling’s suggestionisthatroleidentities (atleast)might beusefully seenas analogous

to focalequilibria incoordinationproblems,that is, , as s socialconventions like driving on

therightsideoftheroad,orlanguage,wherewegenerallydonotcarewhichsetofsounds

correspondstoanobjectorideaaslongasweallcoordinateonthesamesounds.

Anumber ofresearchtraditionshavestressedtheargumentthatidentitiescanhave

acoerciveorconstrainingaspect,whichisusuallyexplainedintermsoftheindividualpsy-

chologicaleectsofsocialcategorization.

Thinkingaboutsystemsofsocialcategoriesas

coordination equilibria a might t shed a dierent t sort t of light on the coercive side e of f social

TwoexamplesfromverydierenttraditionsaredeBeauvoir(1980)andTurner(1987).

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identity. Animportantfeatureofcoordinationproblemsisthatindividualscanbetrapped

inabadequilibrium. Itmaymakenosenseforanindividualtodeviatefromtheconven-

tion(here,toactagainsttheidentity)giventhatothersarefollowingtheconvention,even

thoughtheindividualmightprefer adierentconvention (here,adierent formulationof

socialcategoriesandtheircontent). Noonecanunilaterallychangethecontentorrulesof

membershipforasocialcategory;this canonlybeaccomplishedthroughcollectiveaction

that recoordinates beliefs s and d expectations.

Ireturn brie y to this point below w inthe

discussionofhowidentities-as-social-categoriesexplainactions.

6 PersonalIdentity

Asked toexplainthemeaning of \identity"inthesenseofpersonalidentity, oneisagain

tempted to o begin n with h a a formulation n like e \how a a person denes s who o he or she e is; ; self-

denitionorself-understanding."Onceagain,however,it isapparentthattherearemany

dierentwaysthatapersonmightdenewhoheorsheis.Whichonecorrespondstopersonal

identity? And\self-understanding"isreallytoobroadandvaguetoberight. Manythings

mightreasonablybeincludedin\self-understanding"thatwewouldnotsayaremattersof

identity.

Whenwesaythatmyidentity is \who Iam,"we mean\whoIreallyam,"insome

sortofessentialorfundamentalway.Wearetalkingaboutanaspectofourselvesthatisin

somewayimportanttous. Itwouldgoagainstusageandourunderstandingoftheconcept

tosay thatsomeaspect ofone’s(personal)identity was amatter ofcompleteindierence

{thatonecouldtakeitorleaveitwithtotalequanimity. Theproblemofexplainingwhat

personalidentityis(aswetalkaboutit)istheproblemofstatingwhataspectsofaperson

itreferstoandpreciselyinwhatsensetheseareimportantor\essential."

InSourcesofthe Self: : TheMaking g ofthe Modern Identity,CharlesTaylorseems to

takethisapproach. Hesays: \...thequestionofidentity... isoftenspontaneouslyphrased

SeeLaitin(1998)andMackie(1996)fordevelopedexamplesofthisapproach.

ThisiswhyIamskepticalofBrubakerandCooper(1999)suggestionthat\self-understanding"ismore

precisethan\identity"incertaincontexts.

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bypeopleintheform:WhoamI?...What[answers]thisquestionforusisanunderstanding

ofwhatisofcrucialimportancetous"(p.27).Thiscan’tberightasstated,sinceoxygen,

theCleanAir Act,andlots of other things may be important to mebutnot be part of

my identity. . Taylorproceeds s byputtingrestrictions onthethingsidentity consistsofand

thesense inwhichthey are important: : \My y identity is denedby thecommitments and

identicationswhichprovidetheframeorhorizonwithinwhichIcantrytodeterminefrom

case to case what is good, , or r valuable, , or r what ought to be done, , or r what Iendorse or

oppose" (p. 27). . Thus, , in n Taylor’s interpretation, personal identity y is a personal l moral

codeorcompass,asetofmoralprinciples,ends,orgoalsthatapersonusesasanormative

frameworkandaguidetoaction.

Taylorisofcoursefreetostipulate\identity"ashepleasesforhisparticularanalytical

ends,butIdonotthinkthatthisstatementdoesagoodjobofmakingsenseoftheconcept

asitis presently understood. . Without t adoubt,whatpeoplespeak ofastheir (personal)

identitiesoftenincludespersonalmoralcodesandnormativeframeworksseenasimportant.

Butotherthingscanbesensiblyincludedinastatementofpersonalidentity thatarenot

understoodtobeaboutmoralorientationandcommitment.

Forexample,considerapersonwhoadoptsanidiosyncratic(orjustpersonal)styleof

dress{say,hewearsabrightlycoloredbowtiealmosteveryday.Aftermanyyearsofpurple-

bow-tie-wearing,thepersonmightwellsay thatthis waspartofhisidentity,eventhough

neitherhenoranyoneelseviewsthisaspectofhisidentityasamatterofmoralorientationor

evaluativeframework. Andthisisnotabizarreorexceptionalcounterexample. Especiallyin

populardiscourse,the\questionofidentity"isfrequentlyinterpretedtobeaquestionabout

personalstyle {theway apersondistinguishes himselforherselfbymeans ofconsciously

chosenmannersofdress,speech,culturallikesanddislikes,andsoon.Whileitisoftentrue

thatchoicesofpersonalstyleinvokeorexpressmoralframeworksbyindicatingmembership

inasocialcategory(thatis,bysignalingasocialidentity),thisisnotnecessarilythecase,

asthebow-tieexampleshows. Indeed,quiteoftentheverynotionofpersonalstyleentails

distinguishingoneselfasanindividualandthusemphaticallynotasamemberofagroup.

Thesamecanbesaidaboutidentity. Inpopulardiscourse,wewillacceptstatements s ofa

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person’sidentity phrasedinterms ofmembershipinsocialcategories,butalsostatements

thatmakenoreferencetogroupmembership. Yourpersonalidentitymaybeexpressedas

thatwhichdistinguishesyouasanindividualfromotherindividuals.

So\personalidentity isfundamentalmoralorientation"istoonarrow. . Theexample

ofpersonalstylealso undermines severalother ways wemighttry tospecify the sense of

\whatisveryimportantoressentialtousbeingwhoweare."First,recognizingthataperson

mightanswerthequestion\Whoareyou?"bydeclaringmembershipinmanydierentsocial

categories,dependingonthecontext,wemighttryanapproachthatsayspersonalidentity

isthesocialcategorythatismostimportanttoaperson’swayoflife.

Thatis,mypersonal

identityisthesocialidentitywhosecontentIammostcommittedtoormotivatedby,theone

thattrumpsotherswhenIhavetomakechoiceswhichimplyviolatingthenormativecontent

ofone or anotherofmy socialidentities. . Without t doubt,itisoftenthe case that people

understand their personalidentityinterms ofmembershipinaparticularsocialcategory.

But,astheexampleofpersonalstyleshows,thisisnotnecessary. Personalidentitymaybe

conceivedintermsthatintentionallyeschewgroupaliations.

Second,asintimatedearlier,theexampleofpersonalstyleunderminesanattemptto

makesenseofourpresentconceptofidentityinthetermsofthephilosophers’long-standing

debateaboutidentity. Suchadenitionwouldsaythatpersonalidentityconsists s ofthose

propertiesofapersonthatcannotbealteredwithoutmakingthesubjectadierentperson.

Butifapersonchangesherpersonalstyle,wewouldnotsaythatsheisadierentperson,

exceptinametaphorical ourish,andthisisnotwhatphilosophershaveinmindwhenthey

aretalkingaboutthesortofpropertiesthatdene\personalidentity"intheirsense.

When

wesaythatone’sidentityconsistsofwhatis\essential"tobeingwhooneis,wedon’tmean

Inaddition,notallgroupaliationsthatmightenterintoaperson’sunderstandingoftheiridentityneed

entailself-consciousmoralframeworks(e.g.,abowlingclub).

In thesymbolicinteractionisttradition,thisideahasbeen calledthe \saliencehierarchy."SeeStryker

(1987).

SeePerry(1975)andRorty(1976). Thedebatein n analyticphilosophyproceedsmainlyfromcritiques

and defenses ofLocke’s argumentthat the identityof aperson consists in acontinuityofperception and

memoryofexperiences.

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\essential"inthephilosophicalsenseofconstitutive,butratherinamoreordinarysenseof

important.

Third, sometimes s peoplespeak oftheir personalidentity asconsisting ofaspects of

themselves that t they feel l powerless to o change, , or which in their r experience they y cannot

choose,suchassexualorientationormembershipinasocialcategory. Clearly,adenition

putinthesetermsalonewouldnotcapturethewholesenseoftheconcept,becausewewill

alsoadmitasaspectsofpersonalidentity thingsthatarethesubjectofdeliberatechoice,

likepersonalstyle.

Evidentlythethingswewillacceptasconstitutingpersonalidentityareavariedlot.It

isclearthatpersonalidentityconsistsofasetofaspectsorattributesofaperson.Thesemay

bephysicalattributes(e.g.,beingtallorred-headedmightgureintoapersonalidentity),

membership insocialcategories,person-specic beliefs,goals,desires,moralprinciples,or

mattersofpersonalstyle. Second,theymustbeaspectsorattributesofthepersonthatthe

personisconsciousof,andwhichdistinguishthepersonfromatleastsomeothers. Having

anoddlyshapedgallbladdercannotbeacomponentofmyidentityifIdon’tknowaboutit.

Norwoulditmakesensetosay\Acrucialpartofmyidentityismystatusasavertebrate"

(orearthdweller,orevenhumanbeing).

Beyondthiscondition,Iamunabletodiscernany singlecriterion n thatpicksoutall

andonlythoseattributesthatwewillincludeasconstitutingpersonalidentity. ThebestI

candoisasetofthreethingsthatcoversallthecasesIcanthinkof.Therstonecaptures

whatismostcommonlymeantinordinarylanguageuseof\identity."

Veryfrequently, the e attributes or r aspects of f a person that t are e reported as s making

uppersonalidentity are e aspects s in n which the person takes s a a specialpride or theloss of

which would entail aloss of self-respect. My y unusual l height, my beautifulred hair, my

personalstyle,mytalentedchildren,myoccupation,myethnicorreligiousidentity,mymoral

or political l convictions, my y life-term goals, , the e specic localculture I belong to (sexual,

neighborhood,country club, , etc.) ) { { allof these are things that might be understood as

makingupone’spersonalidentity,andreportedasthingsthespeakerisproudofandwants

toannouncetoothersasmarksofdistinction.Thethingsthatweunderstandtodistinguish

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usasindividualsandwhichwetakeprideinareofcoursethingsthatareimportanttous,

becauseingeneralpeopledesiretothinkwellofthemselves. Quiteoften,weunderstandas

personalidentitythoseaspectsofourselvesthatformthebasisforourself-esteem.

This formulation n helps s explain n how we e understand identity to be e such h a powerful

motivatorofactionandhowmattersofidentitycanengagesuchdeepandpowerfulemotions.

Whyisitthatactionsthat\violateone’sidentity"mayberejectedalmostindependentof

theirmaterialconsequences? Quiteoften,theansweristhatsuchactionswouldundermine

aperson’s basis forthinkingwell l of himself or r herself. . Thus, , statements s such as \ethnic

con ictsareparticularlypronetoviolencebecausetheyinvolvemattersofidentity"might

beexplainedasfollows:Ethniccon ictsarepronetoviolencebecausemembershipinethnic

categoriesisoftenanimportantbasisforpeoples’senseofself-worthordignity,andthreatsto

thissenseareingenerallikelytoproducepowerfulemotionalreactions.

Thisformulation

also suggests s a a straightforwardexplanation for why nationalism, , particularly y in n its s more

\ethnic" articulations, , often seems s to appealmost strongly to people with relatively low

socio-economicstatus.

Ifoccupationandsocialrankarenotavailableassources ofself-

esteembecauseoneacceptstheprevailingvaluationofsuchsocialcategories,thennational

and ethnic categories (in which membership p is s automatic) may y be e invested with greater

signicance.

Horowitz(1985,chap. 3)developstheargumentthatethniccon ictingeneralresultsfromthepursuit

ofafeelingofcomparativeself-worth. SeealsoTajfel(1982)andsocialidentitytheoryinsocialpsychology

moregenerally. Calhoun(1991)isaexampleofthiskindofargumentinanonethnicsetting.

An often-citedinstanceisthesuccessofnationalismatmobilizingworkersforwarin1914,tothepuz-

zlementandconsternationofsocialistleadersatthetime. Seealsothebriefessayonthepsychologicalbasis

ofBalkannationalismbyDaniloKis,reprintedinThompson(1992,336). Hewrites\Thiskindofprole,

which ts all l nationalists, can n be freelyelaborated toits conclusion: : thenationlist t is,as arule,equally

piingas asocialbeingand as anindividual... . heis s anonentity."Margalitand Raz(1990)arguethat

nationalidentityisappealingasalocusforpoliticalrightspreciselybecauseitistypicallyamatterofbirth

ratherthan achievement,andthegoodofself-respectismorereliablyfoundedonsomethingthatcan’tbe

takenawayfromus.

As Laitin(1998)suggests,itmightbeinterestingtothinkofthisin Hirschman’s (1970) ) termsofexit

(tryingtoavoidthehumiliatingconsequencesofmembershipinonecategorybydeningoneselfintermsof

another,morehighlyvaluedcategory),voice(mobilizingtotrytochangethesocialvaluationofacategory

towhichoneisassigned),andloyalty(acceptingmembershipinapoorlyvaluedcategoryasone’sfateand

essence).

Onceagain,however,this statement ofthe concept’smeaning{personalidentity is

thoseaspectsofapersonthatformthebasisforhisorhersenseofself-worthanddistinction

{isopentonon-trivialcounterexamples. Considerthefollowingtwo.First,anelderlyman

orwomanwhohaslivedinthesameneighborhoodformanyyearsandhasaveryestablished

dailyroutineandpersonalstyle.Itisperfectlypossiblethatthepersontakesnospecialpride

inmanyaspectsofthisroutineandstyle.Itisjustalong-establishedhabitualwayofliving.

Consider the question\Why don’tyoubuy thatpair ofshoes,or that car,or why don’t

youtakeayogaclass?"Althoughtheanswermightnotbephrasedintermsof\identity,"

wewould recognize(orlabel)areply y like\Ijust couldneverdothat"or \Ijustcouldn’t

imaginemyselfdoingthat"asbeingastatementofpersonalidentity.Tosay\themancould

notdothisbecauseitwasinconsistentwithhisidentity"wouldbeaperfectly respectable

usageoftheterm. Andthismightbethecaseevenifthemanwasnotsaying(ineect)\I

can’tdothisbecauseitisinconsistentwiththeprinciplesofactionofthesocialcategoryI

amamember of"or\Ican’tdothisbecauseitwouldgoagainstsomeaspectofmyselfin

whichItakeaspecialpride."

Forthe secondcounterexample, , consider r amanwhotries foryearsto livea typical

heterosexuallife,buteventuallydecides\Ican’tkeepdoingthis.TryasImighttodenyit,

IhavetoacceptthefactthatIamgay. Thisisjustafactaboutmyidentity,orwhoIam."

Thisisagainaperfectlyrespectableusageoftheword,butinthisexamplethepersontakes

nospecialprideinwhatheconcludestobeacrucialcomponentofhis(personalandsocial)

identity.Rather,itmayevenbesomethingheisashamedof.

Idon’tknowhowtotreatthesecounterexamplesexceptalittlearbitrarily. Hencethe

denition:

Personalidentityisasetofattributes,beliefs,desires,orprinciplesofactionthat

apersonthinks distinguishherinsociallyrelevantways andthat(a)theperson

takes a specialpridein; ; (b) ) the persontakes nospecial l pride e in, , but t whichso

orientherbehaviorthatshewouldbeatalossabouthowtoactandwhattodo

withoutthem;or(c)thepersonfeelsshecouldnotchangeevenifshewantedto.

Conditions(b)and(c)areintendedtodealwiththecounterexamples. (b)recognizes

thatwesometimes interpretpersonalidentityintermsofaset ofprinciples orrules that

fundamentally orient andstructure our behaviorbutwhichmay have littlemoralcontent

orsignicanceasbasesofself-esteem;theyarejustruleswithoutwhichwewouldn’tknow

howtoactorwhattodo.(c)recognizesthatwecanunderstandpersonalidentitytoinvolve

desiresthatweexperienceasbeyondourcontrol,ormembershipinasocialcategorythat

wecannotescapeevenifwewouldliketo,independentofhowsuchdesiresorsocialidentity

enterintoourself-esteem.

7 ExplainingActionswithIdentities

Above,Inotedthat ifweseethat oneside ofthemeaning of\identity" isessentially the

basisofone’sdignityorselfrespect,itbecomeslessmysterioushowthisambiguousconstruct

canpowerfully motivateactions. . InthissectionIusetheprecedinganalysis s oftheword’s

currentmeaningto developa broader account ofthedierent ways thatidentity may be

involvedintheexplanationofaction. Especially y insocialscience,scholars oftenwantthe

conceptofidentitytodothis kindofwork. . Indeed,someviewidentity y asinterestingand

importantpreciselybecauseitisthoughttoexplainactionsthatotherapproaches,suchas

rationalchoice,cannot.Alternatively,itisarguedthatstandardrationalistorintentionalist

explanationsofactionmustpresumeorrestonanaccountofidentitiestobeginwith.

clearaccountofthemeaningof\identity"wouldseemtobeapreconditionformakingsuch

argumentscoherent.

Followingtheanalysisabove,Iwouldarguethatidentitycangureintotheexplanation

of action in two main ways, which parallelthe two sides of the word’s present meaning.

Recallthat\identity"canmeaneitherasocialcategoryor,inthesenseofpersonalidentity,

distinguishingfeaturesofapersonthatformthebasisofhisorherdignityorself-respect.

Accordingly,\identity"canexplainactionseitherinthesensethatmembershipinasocial

categorycanexplainactions,orinthesensethatthedesiretogainordefendone’sdignity

orself-respectcanexplainactions.

Forexamplesofbothviewsininternationalrelations,seeWendt(1994)andRingmar(1996).

7.1 Actionsexplained d byreferencetosocialcategories

Someexamples:

1.Why didAgrababottle,pouradrink,handittoB,andtakesomemoney fromB?

BecauseAisabartender.

2.Luckily,therewasadoctorontheairplane,whowasabletoresuscitatetheheartattack

victimwithCPR.

3.Thoughshewasextremelytired,shemadepleasantsmalltalkbecauseshewasaguest

intheirhouse.

4.TheGermansintheroomchosenottoparticipateinthesingingoftheMarseillaise.

5.Whyishewearingaturban?BecauseheisaSikh.

Weconstantlyexplainactionsbyreferringtomembershipinsocialcategories(andthus

toidentitiesinthissense). Intheshortformillustratedbytheexamples,theseareoften

\explanationsketches"whichmaynotbenotverygoodexplanationsbythemselves. How,

then,doesagoodexplanation-by-reference-to-a-social-categorywork?

Unpacked, an explanation of f action n by reference e to o social l identity is s frequently y an

explanation interms s of f social norms, or r standards of f conduct that cantake the generic

form\Goodpeopledo(ordonotdo) XinsituationsA,B,C ..."

WhatIearlier called

thecontentofasocialcategoryis frequently madeupofnorms attachedtoorassociated

withmembershipinthecategory. Thisistrueforroleidentities,likebartender,professor,

orprimeminister;fortypeidentities,likenationality,ethnicity,sexuality,andgender;and

forsocialcategoriesthathavestrongelementsofbothroleandtype,likemotherorfather.

Thus,explaining aperson’s actionby referring toasocialidentity frequently amounts to

sayingthatthepersonwasfollowinganormassociatedwiththecategory,asineachofthe

examplesgivenabove.Theexamplescantakethegeneralform\MembersofcategoryXare

supposedtodo(oroughttodo)YinsituationsA,B,C..."

ThisslightlymodiesElster’s(1989,98)formulation{\Thesimplestsocialnormsareofthetype‘DoX’,

or‘Don’tdoX’"{whichIthinkmistakenlyincludesrulesofprudencesuchas\Alwayslockyourcar."We

typicallydonotconsideraruleofconducttobeasocialnormunlessasharedmoralassessmentisattached

toitsobservanceornon-observance. Elsterrecognizesthiswhenheaddstheconditionthat\Fornormsto

besocial,theymustbe(a)sharedbyotherpeopleand(b)partlysustainedbytheirapprovalordisapproval"

(1989,99,emphasisinoriginal).

Thereareotherwaysbesidesreferencetosocialnormsthatsocialidentitycanbeheld

toexplainchoices. Forinstance,themembersofasocialcategorymightbeunderstoodto

sharecertainbeliefs,desires (preferences),orhabitsthatmighthelpexplaintheiractions,

even thoughthe beliefs,desires,or habits have no normativeaspect. . Inotherwords,the

content ofasocialcategorymayincludeother things besidesnorms. . Forexample,\Why

is hetalking soloudly? ? BecauseheisanAmerican" " explainsanactionbyreferringto a

preferenceorhabitsaidtobecharacteristicofmembersofacategory,butitisnotthecase

thatAmericansaresupposedtotalkloudly.

Nonetheless,explanationbyreferencetosocialidentitymostoftenamountstoexplana-

tionbyreferencetosocialnormsassociatedwiththerelevantsocialcategory(orcategories).

Thenextnaturalquestion,then,ishowexactlydoesinvokingasocialnormexplainanac-

tion? WhileIcannotdojusticetothisproblemhereoranywhere,afewremarkssuceto

showthatsocialidentityasanexplanatoryconceptstandsinforexplanationinmorebasic

terms,andtosuggestthatweoftenwouldbebetterogoingtotheheartofthematter{

explanationintermsofnorms.

Afullexplanationofanactioninterms ofanormassociatedwithanidentityneeds

todoatleasttwothings. First,wewouldliketoknowwhatistheperson’smotivationor

reasonforactinginaccordwiththenorm,andthus,withthedictatesofthesocialidentity.

Second,wemaywantanaccountofwhythisparticularactionisanorm,ratherthanother

possibilities. Forinstance,whyareSikhmensupposedtowearturbans?

Bothquestions canhavemultipleanswers. . Ontherst,anysubsetofthefollowing

motivationsandreasonsmayexplainwhyoneabideswithanorminparticularcases:

1.Onemight believe that followingthenormistheright thingtodo,whetherbecause

ofearly socializationor one’s independentjudgement andexperience. . Relatedly,one

mightwanttofollowthenormbecause onewouldthink badly ofoneselfotherwise {

failingtofollowthenormwouldundermineone’spride,dignity,orself-respect. (This

isoftencalled\internalization.")

2.Onemightbemotivatedtofollowthenormbecauseonedesirestheapprovalofothers,

irrespectiveofanyactionstheymighttake.

3.One might want to follow a normbecause otherwise one will l be e sanctioned (or not

rewarded)bytheactionsofothers. Forinstance,abartendermayfollowthenormsof

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