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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

291

tenements, and the main policy thrust in most of them in the first two-thirds of the century was to

rehouse them in purpose-built public or cooperative housing, a programme which is quite beyond the

capacity of many of these countries today. The brutal reality is that ‘. . . Staggering sums of

investments would be required to provide adequate urban infrastructure and services’ (Cheema 1994,

p. 421): it was estimated

that between US $10 billion and US $30 billion would have been needed during the 1990s to ensure

adequate access to drinking water and sanitation.

Indeed, as already seen, over the past thirty years the conventional wisdom on housing policy has

steadily shifted in favour of less intervention rather than more: until the early 1970s the standard

solution was high-grade public housing using colonial models, coupled with clearance of slum

housing; then, this was replaced by an acceptance of informal housing with site-and-service

approaches, as an effective and efficient way whereby the urban poor could house themselves. But

even these have been incapable of meeting more than a minority of demand. And so, around 1990,

there came a further fundamental shift in the conventional wisdom: the experts concluded that

upgrading of existing slums is more effective than new build, because it affects precisely the areas

where the poor already live. Calcutta, one of the world’s poorest cities, has been notably effective,

improving conditions for nearly

2 million people; Jakarta’s Kampung Improvement Programme has improved more than 500 of the

city’s notorious slum (kampung) areas and provided basic services to 3.8 million people (Brennan,

1994, pp. 240-242).

Planning as Enabling

In the last decade, therefore, authorities across the developing world have concentrated on ‘enabling’

policies: cities should withdraw from direct provision and concentrate on facilitating new private

construction, both formal and informal, and creating an appropriate regulatory environment plus

appropriate finance. This makes full use of self-help with cheap materials and local skills, using the

private sector – including NGOs and community groups – and developing new kinds of housing

finance. It also recognizes that an estimated 50 per cent of the labour force of the developing world is

in the informal sector, and that these numbers could double between 1980 and 2000 (Brennan, 1994,

p. 243; Cheema, 1994, pp. 421-423).

So the best conventional practice at the start of the new century is represented by slum upgrading

schemes like those in Jakarta and Manila. They are based on fairly minimal standards that can

subsequently be upgraded. German consultants have stressed this point: they argue that the key aim

must be to help those living in absolute poverty. These people suffer from multiple disadvantages.

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

292

They experience disproportionately high living costs for public transport, schooling, house rent,

public services and food. They are more liable to experience environmental hazards, health risks and

unhealthy or dangerous living conditions, missing or insufficient public services, and unhygienic,

insufficient and climatically unsuitable homes. They are more vulnerable to sudden economic

changes. They live in areas with heterogeneous social structures and often high criminality, where

traditional social structures have collapsed, and where drug consumption and organized crime are

endemic, especially among children and youth. They are open to indiscriminate attacks by officials

and police, and an ever-present danger of eviction. And many of the households in these

neighbourhoods are headed by poor females, who are most vulnerable of all. They comment:

The introduction of special areas with reduced urban planning standards, adaptation of

road width, special minimum plot size and building regulations is often being prevented

by traditional urban planners. University curricula neglect in many cases the informal

city and produce architects, planners and engineers unprepared to work with an in poor

neighbourhoods.

(Network of GTZ Consultants on Municipal and Urban Development, 1997, p. 18)

The public sector often is not, indeed never was, able to provide basic services, especially for the poor;

so it is necessary to develop citizen bodies to fill the gap.

The key is to accept the built forms of the informal city, but to shape them in the direction of

sustainability. Rather remarkably, it appears that this may not be too difficult. While formal high-rise

solutions are impossibly expensive both to build and to maintain, it is possible to achieve remarkably

high densities and compact developments with traditional housing which people build themselves and

which they like living in because it has the traditional neighbourly qualities. The clue is to make plots of

the right size available. Because most people are poor, these can be quite uniform and quite small. Later

on, some people may become richer. But by that time, the built form will be set and difficult to alter.

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

293

9.3 Universal Principles, Local Variants

So different are the experiences of citizens in the developed and the developing world, that the question

poses itself: does planning have any fundamental, ‘eternal’, goals, valid for all places and all kinds? The

answer might seem to be self-evidently ‘no’. But we would argue the contrary: there are such

fundamental goals, but their interpretation and application varies according to circumstances.

We can list eight such fundamental goals.

, planning should promote the city’s wealth-creating capacities, which alone can generate new

employment for its people, including replacements for the jobs that are always being lost to

globalization and technological change.

, it should seek to promote ways to provide adequate shelter for everyone, rich and poor alike.

, it should seek to produce an adequate and sustainable level of environment, in terms of air and

water quality, drainage and noise, both in the immediate environment of the dwelling or workplace,

and in the more general environment of the city and indeed the planet.

, it should seek to order land uses efficiently, so as to reduce unnecessary journeys for people,

and to reduce demands on non-renewable resources.

, it should seek to protect the natural environment both within the city and in the countryside

around it, by providing sufficient green spaces within the city and by protecting agricultural land

around it, while providing sufficient space for the city’s growth: a task that often will involve

transformation into a polycentric urban region of networked cities.

, it should equally seek to conserve all that is best in the historic built patrimony, while

promoting the capacity of the city to grow and change; not an easy trade-off.

, it should seek especially to protect the standards of the poorest and least fortunate, who

lack the ability to guarantee these things for themselves.

, it can best do this by helping people help themselves, using their own skills and energies,

which they have in abundance, rather than resources they do not have at all.

Having set those principles down, it is clear that their application will differ significantly from one

city to another. Adequate shelter in a developed country is likely to mean a new house or apartment,

comprehensively equipped; in a developing country, an informal self-build minimal structure capable

of progressive extension. Adequate environment in a developed country is likely to mean protection

from noise from a new highway or airport, or perhaps a late-night disco; in a developing country, it

could be protection from a noxious chemical plant. Reducing unnecessary journeys in a developed-

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

294

country context could mean more compact development on abandoned brownfield land, designed to

woo people from their cars on to bicycles or good public transport; in the developing-country context,

it is likely to mean reserving new rights of way for buses and bicycles to connect the latest informal

development with the city.

Likewise, open space in the developed city means new parks and golf courses in the green belt; in the

developing city, providing and keeping playing fields around the schools, which otherwise may fall

prey to new land invasions. Conservation of the built environment in the developed city may entail the

preservation of thousands of churches and literally hundreds of thousands of old houses; in the

developing world, keeping a few score of buildings that have survived the numberless rebuildings of

the last four decades. Equity in the developed world means for instance providing a certain proportion

of affordable social housing in each and every development; in the developing world, where this

would be a recipe for uncontrolled squatting, it means a priority to slum upgrading.

Even in the same city in the same part of the world, solutions that are good for some people may be

thoroughly bad for others. High-rise solutions seem not to work for mothers with small children, even

if they are perfectly satisfactory for singles or childless couples. American-style urban sprawl has

created inefficiencies – such as unnecessarily long commuter journeys and high costs of service

connection – that could have been avoided. (On the other hand, British urban containment policies

also seem to have increased commuter journey lengths, because often people found homes outside the

green belts while their jobs remained inside them.) Rationing of development land predictably raises

its price, which bears especially hard on lower-income groups: everyone pays more for housing, and

gets less than they would in the absence of such policies, but the poor lose out the most.

Again, mixed use is fine as a general principle, but some land uses may remain non-compatible, at

least for some sections of the population: living over the shop may be fine if the shop closes at 6:30 in

the evening but not if it stays open all night; it certainly will not be right if the shop turns into a late-

night wine bar or early-morning night club. The answer to this contradiction may be to put different

land uses close together, but to continue to separate any uses that may impose a nuisance on residents

or other users.

Brownfield development is good as a general principle, but much brownfield land is contaminated to

varying degrees: in the United States, contaminated brownfield sites are estimated between 400,000

and 700,000, in Europe, 750,000. Global remediation costs in 1997 were estimated at US$18 billion

(Anderson, 1998). Brownfield regeneration can of course work, as dramatically illustrated by

London’s docklands. But even there, the problems were daunting. Canary Wharf, the huge Olympia &

York development – 14 million square feet of commercial space on 93 acres of land, centred on a 50-

storey tower designed by Cesar Pelli, the second tallest office building in Europe – went into

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

295

receivership in May 1992, less than a year after opening of Phase One, though it has since proved a

success and is being extended.

Forging an urban renaissance, in the blighted areas of many North American and some European

cities, will not be an easy task. It will involve fairly drastic reconstruction in the worst-afflicted areas,

with subsidies that may have to be generated through taxation of greenfield land, together with

upgrading policies to stem the progressive decline of other areas. The justification lies not so much in

the need to save rural land, since many parts of the world are burdened with huge agricultural

surpluses, as in the argument that urban development is more sustainable in multiple ways –

economically, socially, environmentally.

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

          







    

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 

            



                









     



           





Not only the implementation strategies, but the implementation agencies, will be different from city to

city. In the developed case, they will be professional bureaucracies mediated by democratically-

elected politicians. In the developing case, they will be neighbourhood organizations and associations

led by a few key activists, mediated if possible by mechanisms that ensure they do not fall into the

hands of self-aggrandizing exploiters. There are parallels, of course: in the developed world, efforts

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

296

should be made and are being made to involve poor people more actively in the design and the

management of their own housing; in the developing world, planning will need to provide an overall

structure of land uses and infrastructure, within which the poor can take control of their own lives.

But the two experiences will remain very different.

In particular, financial incentives and disincentives, though important everywhere, may be more

appropriate to poorer cities. In the cities of the developed world, remediating brownfield land, which

is accessible and well-serviced but may be seriously contaminated by former industrialization, will

often prove expensive and will fall on the public purse, since the private sector will prefer to locate on

cheaper, easier greenfield land. There are possible ways of trying to enforce clean-up costs on owners,

but few of them will prove effective, since invariably the original polluting agent has long since

disappeared, and much of this land has effectively become derelict.

And so the major policy question here is how far, and in what ways, communities will be prepared to

cross-subsidize such remediation by taxes on development of cheaper greenfield sites. If they are –

and the urban development corporations, in the UK and USA, provide an interesting model – it is

often possible through open bidding processes to recycle the land into new and productive uses:

witness London Docklands.

But it is in the developing world, far more, that financial incentives can play an effective role. People

can be offered money to improve their own local environments, based on local knowledge.

Industrialists can be required to pay very large amounts to locate next to residential areas. Local

groups can be subsidized to build a school and playing fields, and to guard them against invasion. But

none of the above will be much use if the bureaucracy or judiciary can be corruptly influenced. For

that reason, there should be a minimal bureaucracy but it should be highly professional and

adequately paid. For all other functions, power should be devolved to local groups.

To come back to the central question: do universally-applicable principles lead to universally-

applicable solutions? The answer again is yes and no: there is a broad good-practice solution that is

applicable in virtually every city, North and South, rich and poor; but this solution will need to be

tweaked in particular ways to suit local conditions, local constraints and local opportunities.

The overall strategy is to develop flexible planning strategies at different spatial scales, from the

strategic to the local. The strategic plan for a metropolitan area would set out broad principles of

development and would, above all, make clear where infrastructure investments were expected in the

short-to-medium term. Within it, local design briefs would develop a simultaneous control of

environmental standards and planning standards, set out transparently the proposals for infrastructure

provision and upgrading, and develop policy solutions to control land speculation – including the

radical solution that all development land should pass through public hands.

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THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

297

In particular, these plans should specify the areas on which – for good environmental reasons – no

development, formal or informal, should be allowed. To enforce such prohibitions, it may be

necessary for a public authority to acquire the land on which development was to be stopped, at least

temporarily. The key, in the most difficult cases, would be to dispose of the land in such a way that it

could never be developed; for instance, by dividing it into multiple small parcels and giving these

away to members of the community, or to children, who could be expected to defend their tiny rural

plots.

Within such a framework, the general solution would be to accommodate urban growth by

progressively decentralizing it at the broad metropolitan scale while reconcentrating it at the more

local scale. Employment and services should be encouraged by a variety of measures to decentralize

as people move out to new homes on the periphery. To some extent, of course, this will happen

naturally: local services will follow residences, and a little later other activities will migrate outwards

in search of labour supplies and lower land costs. So the market will work with policy, but it may

need encouragement.

The important point is not to permit an indeterminate sprawl, but to plan for decentralization into

local communities of defined size, each with its own employment and services, clearly separated by

green areas for agriculture and recreation, and connected by good quality public transport. Within

these decentralized communities, further, there should be the maximum possible mixture of land uses

subject to avoiding negative externalities (such as air, water or noise pollution). Densities should be

medium-high, based for the most part on single-family homes with gardens on conventional streets,

with occasional higher-density apartment complexes for single younger and older people, generally

clustered close to shops and transport. Decaying and abandoned urban areas should be regenerated,

and slums should be retrofitted with services, as far as possible on the self-help principle with

approporiate assistance to local community groups.

Such a pattern is far from novel. On the contrary: it represents best planning practice from many

countries over the last century, and it corresponds to the latest research about sustainable urban

development. It has been tested and tried. And it fits powerful economic and social trends, expressed

through real estate markets; it aims to bend these trends, not to try to break them, which would be

neither possible nor advisable.

As earlier said, there may be local variations set above all by income, by social custom and by

available resources, including human resources. Even as between developed countries, there are and

will be distinctions in the proportions of houses and flats, in prevailing densities, in the pattern of

service provision, and in the transport network. In the developing world the differences may be even

greater, particularly as between those emerging middle-income countries well embarked on the

development trajectory, and those faced with intractable problems towards the bottom end of the

THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

298

income scale. And even at any particular development level. Particularly striking, here, is the contrast

between Curitiba and Singapore: both, starting as middle-income cities that have progressed into

affluence, have planned on the basis of development corridors, but all the key details – the form of the

urban transit system, the density variations, the development agencies – are radically different; and

the differences depend very much on the social and political cultures of Latin America and Eastern

Asia.

Generally, the ideal pattern is easier to achieve in more developed countries and cities, with plentiful

resources and with well-developed and competent public administrations, than in developing ones.

But it needs stressing that some middle-income cities – notably, though not exclusively, these two

examples – have made themselves world leaders in urban innovation, having made a virtue out of

necessity. As in Curitiba, bus rights of way may need to replace expensive metro rail systems, basic

service plots may need to replace fully developed housing schemes, private farms and parks may need

to replace green belts. Or maybe, as in Singapore, not so: the important point is to discover the

solution that will work in the local circumstances. On that, only local people and their elected

representatives will be able to judge.

The need above all is to learn from good practice in the successful cities, above all in these innovative

middle-income cities, and translate it into the specific circumstances, never quite the same, in many

other cities around the world. To that end, the first need is better and more accessible information

systems. The United Nations have made a powerful start with their internet-based good practice

database of sustainable urban development, prepared for the 1997 Istanbul conference; such databases

need to be extended and regularly updated. And it matters very much that this information does not

deal only with the success stories and the successful aspects; it must also chronicle the failures and

the problems along the way. Cities need to learn by example, but in some ways the problems to avoid

are as important as the successes to emulate, attractive as the latter may be.

THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter IV: Rising to the Urban Challenge: Governance and Policy

299

Footnotes for Chapter IV

Approved by 173 governments at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development

(UNCED), Agenda 21 is the UN’s action plan for sustainable development in the twenty-first century.

Adopted by the Plenary in Rio de Janeiro, on 14 June 1992 during the Earth Summit, Agenda 21

covers the issues referred to UNCED by the UN General Assembly in its Resolution 44/228 of 1989.

It represents the current international consensus on actions necessary to move the world towards the

goal of truly sustainable development.

Agenda 21 deals extensively with actions that governments and international organizations, as well as

industry and the community, can take to achieve lasting changes in the modes of human economic

development. These actions recognize the impacts of human behaviours on the environment and on

the sustainability of systems of production. The objective is the alleviation of poverty, hunger,

sickness and illiteracy worldwide – while at the same time arresting the deterioration of the

ecosystems on which humankind depends to sustain life.

The Grameen Bank was established in Bangladesh in 1984 and has helped over 450,000 poor rural

families to build or upgrade their hosing through loans of between US$300 and US$620, with no

collateral required, and repayable over ten years. There has been a 98 per cent recovery rate, and

7000 new loans are being made every month. The clue is that the title is vested in the woman of the

family, giving her a source of independence and responsibility.

THE URBAN FUTURE 21 – Chapter V: Good Governance in Practice: An Action Plan

300

V GOOD GOVERNANCE IN PRACTICE: AN ACTION PLAN

The Basic Principles: Strong Urban Government for Sustainable Urban Development

1.1 Local Government Matters: Local Tasks, Local Management

Strong national government and strong cities are not contradictory; they are actually complementary. In

the past, most countries have been highly centralized; city governments have been weak. Centralization

has brought many negative consequences in train: a distorted supply of public goods, waste or

disempowerment of urban inhabitants. In contrast many examples demonstrate that in the long run

local autonomy, based on adequate powers, will improve local economic and social development.

A strong democratic basis for local government can be especially in over-centralized political systems

where cities tend to be understaffed because they lack resources. Democratic governments, directly

confronted with local interests and also with the daily stress and suffering of their peoples, directly

answering their demands for action, can release more resources and more direct local actions in

response. The late 1980s laid the foundations of a totally new approach across Africa, Asia and Latin

America and the Caribbean, by focusing on the themes: Accountability, Markets, Democratization and

Decentralization.

But the shift of power to local governments is unfinished. Financial and regulatory autonomy will

remain on the urban agenda, and should be completed during the coming decade. This will increase

the opportunity for local politics – in close cooperation both with national politics and with private

companies, neighbourhoods and different action groups – to shape the future decisively over the next

twenty to thirty years. Decisive local actions do matter. But decisive local government needs a clear

urban policy framework.

1.2 Adequate Distribution of Responsibilities, Adequate and Fair Distribution of Revenues

Which Responsibilities?

The subsidiarity principle suggests that urban governments should be as autonomous as possible, but

that they should be banded into regional bodies or cooperative networks for those tasks which can

best be solved at the regional or the supra-urban level. Sustainable solutions need to avoid the

traditional over-centralized or over-localized systems in which small suburban towns are free to

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