REEDOM ON THE
committee document covering October—December 2012, and involving surveillance orders for
10,000 phones and 1,300 emails.
Abuse of surveillance has been widely reported, including monitoring of lawmakers, politicians,
—in one case, implemented by an ISP on the basis of an emailed government
order that turned out to be fake.
In 2011, two senior Mumbai police officers were found to have
sold phone records for money;
another in 2012 apparently requisitioned cell phone records “to
keep an eye on his girlfriend.”
Much of this activity is driven by what The Hindu newspaper characterized as “massive purchases of
communications intelligence equipment from secretive companies from India and abroad” by both
state and other actors. Two suppliers are domestic: Clear Trail markets a “data traffic inspect
engine” for mobile surveillance. Shoghi Communications supplies GSM monitoring and other
equipment, but its only client is the government.
In 2010, Outlook magazine documented
intelligence agencies operating dozens of cellphone monitoring devices that don’t require the
target’s number—and therefore don’t require cooperation from service providers. “We have
deployed the system … in the hope that we might pick up critical conversations, but most of the
time, we end up getting private calls,” an unnamed intelligence official told Outlook.
agencies have even tried to limit the spread of these technologies. In 2011, the federal Intelligence
Bureau was reported trying to shut down at least 33 passive interception units at internet hubs
around the country. Many were being operated by state police with a tendency to misuse the
equipment—or even mislay it.
On May 8, 2013, the Bureau issued a directive banning junior
police officers from requesting mobile data records.
Yet the Bureau is itself a civilian organization
without a statutory foundation or parliamentary oversight.
Rather than correct this abuse, the government is transitioning to a nationwide surveillance project
known as the Central Monitoring System (CMS), which allows government agents to bypass service
providers in favor of interception equipment on intermediary premises allowing them to monitor
electronic traffic on any platform or device directly, in real time.
Reports estimated the total cost
was in the region of 8 billion rupees ($132 million).
Proponents said the system improved
security by reducing the number of third parties involved in interceptions, and by documenting the
Harsimran Julka and Joji Thomas Philip, “Home Ministry Ordered 10k Wire Taps in Last 90 Days, Orders Tapping of 1300
Email ids,” Economic Times, January 3, 2013, http://bit.ly/XcPjaC.
Saikat Datta, “We, the Eavesdropped,” Outlook, May 3, 2010, http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?265191; “800 New
Radia Tapes,” Outlook, December 10, 2010, http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?268618; “Government Mulling Law to
Regulate Phone Tapping,” DNA India, December 16, 2010, http://bit.ly/eFX89N.
Praveen Swami, “The Government’s Listening To Us,” The Hindu, December 1, 2011, http://bit.ly/rH8bO2.
“Two Delhi Cops May Land in the Dock for Selling Cell Call Records,” Times of India, March 11, 2012, http://bit.ly/1bhmHor.
“Only Top Cops can Seek Call Records: State Intelligence Bureau,” Times of India, May 17, 2013, http://bit.ly/1bhkSaX.
Privacy International, “Chapter iii: Privacy Issues.”
Saikat Datta, “A Fox On A Fishing Expedition.”
Praveen Swami, “The Government’s Listening To Us.”
“Only Top Cops Can Seek Call Records: State Intelligence Bureau,” Times of India, May 17, 2013, http://bit.ly/1bhkSaX.
A Subramani, Ex‐officer questions Intelligence Bureau’s legal status, Times of India, March 26, 2012, http://bit.ly/1aHbVKN.
Anurag Kotoky, “India Sets Up Elaborate System;” Shalini Singh, “Govt. Violates Privacy Safeguards to Secretly Monitor
Internet Traffic,” The Hindu, September 9, 2013, http://bit.ly/1etaS0t.
Pranesh Prakash, “How Surveillance Works in India.”
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REEDOM ON THE
nature and duration of requests in a streamlined “electronic audit trail.”
But this may itself be
vulnerable to cyberattacks.
It was never reviewed by parliament.
Some news reports said the eight agencies already empowered to conduct surveillance would be
able to use it, with the addition of the National Investigation Agency, which was reported
petitioning for inclusion in October 2012,
and possibly the Securities and Exchange Board of
Others said select military agencies would also be involved.
In April 2013, the Center
for Information and Society submitted a freedom of information request to clarify the exact range
of agencies authorized to conduct electronic surveillance, but had not received a response by the
end of the coverage period.
Operated by a little-known Department of Telecommunications unit, the Center for Development
it is not known how extensively the CMS has been implemented. One mid-2013
news report said it was active in New Delhi and neighboring Harayana state, with Kolkata, the
capital of West Bengal, and the southwestern states of Kerala, Karnataka to follow.
operation was yet to begin, pending technical certification of 21 regional monitoring centers.
many internet and telecommunications firms already have monitoring capabilities installed, some of
which are already controlled by the government, according to The Hindu, and the CMS will
consolidate this equipment, too.
Since there is no legal requirement to notify the target of
surveillance—even after the end of an investigation—its implementation may not be apparent, but
several accounts said it would be fully operational by 2014.
Some of this activity, conducted to counter terrorism, is legitimate. But the surveillance
architecture has been put in place without a privacy law, leaving individuals vulnerable, even as the
kind of personal data they are surrendering to the government diversifies. Since 2010, millions of
Indian citizens have been issued unique Aadhaar ID numbers as part of an anti-poverty initiative.
Though not compulsory, officials say not possessing one could limit access to some government
assistance. The authority that issues the numbers maintains a database of numbers tied to personal
information including biometric data, such as fingerprints.
There is no law governing the
authority—in fact, one was rejected by parliament in 2011.
Bharti Jain, “Govt Tightens Control for Phone Tapping,” Times of India, June 21, 2013, http://bit.ly/1bXQy3r.
Anjani Trivedi, “In India, Prism‐like Surveillance Slips Under the Radar,” Time, June 30, 2013, http://ti.me/17cT6vA.
Yatish Yadav, “NIA Seeks Central Monitoring System to Tap Phones,” Indian Express, October 15, 2012, http://bit.ly/OAHjzx.
“Govt to Install 'Fool‐Proof' Phone Tapping Setup Soon,” Outlook, June 17, 2013, http://bit.ly/1hbvWHu.
Maria Xynou, “India´s ‘Big Brother:’ The Central Monitoring System (CMS),” Center for Internet and Society, April 8, 2013,
Prasad Krishna, “RTI on Officials and Agencies Authorized to Intercept Telephone Messages in India,” Center for Information
and Society, July 15, 2013, http://bit.ly/1fRqJXu.
“About C‐DOT,” http://www.cdot.co.in/rti/pdf/rti‐2Inf‐01a‐AboutCDOT(E).pdf. News reports also said national Telecom
Enforcement, Resource and Monitoring cells, also under the Department of Telecommunications, had a role in implementation.
Department of Telecommunications, “TERM/Security,” http://www.dot.gov.in/term/term‐security.
Shalini Singh, “India’s surveillance project may be as lethal as PRISM,” The Hindu, June 21, 2013, http://bit.ly/15EeV2o.
Kalyan Parbat, “India’s Surveillance System CMS to be Operational Soon,” Economic Times, September 5, 2013,
Shalini Singh, “Govt. Violates Privacy Safeguards.”
Nandan Nilekani, “The Science of Delivering Online IDs to a Billion People: The Aadhaar Experience,” World
Bank's Development Economics Lecture, April 24, 2013, http://bit.ly/15AS1O8.
REEDOM ON THE
In 2011, data protection rules improved privacy protections in commercial transactions but drew
some criticism from the business community.
The EU does not consider India “data secure.”
October 2012, a group of experts issued a government-commissioned report providing a
foundation for a future privacy bill, though the timeframe for drafting and implementing it isn’t
clear. Critically, this report clarified that exceptions to the right to privacy, such as national
security and privacy investigations, be assessed according to values of proportionality, legality, and
Violence targeting journalists, right to information activists and whistleblowers is common in
However, there were no significant accounts of physical assaults on bloggers or online
activists during the coverage period. Some did face threats and pressure in retaliation for online
activity. Many individuals facing charges under the IT Act, for example, were sought out by
destructive mobs. Police and security agents were also accused of conducting violent raids while
investigating alleged digital offenses, including some targeting cybercafe clients.
Cyberattacks did not systematically target opposition groups or human rights activists during the
coverage period. Loopholes in cyber security were exposed, however, when the international
hacking group Anonymous targeted establishment sites, including that of the Supreme Court, in
June 2012 to protest against decisions regarding file-sharing and copyright issues.
Outsourcing firms are exempt. Miriam H. Wugmeister and Cynthia J. Rich, “India’s New Privacy Regulations,” Morrison and
Foerster Client Alert. May 4, 2011, http://bit.ly/lJSePF; John Ribeiro, “India Exempts Its Outsourcers from New Privacy Rules,”
Network World, November 2, 2011, http://bit.ly/16TCbuF.
“India to EU: Declare us a Data Secure Country,” Press Trust of India via Times of India, October 18, 2012,
http://bit.ly/WCNAOh; Amiti Sen, “EU Not Ready to Give India ‘Data Secure’ Status,” The Hindu, June 15, 2013,
Justice Ajit Prakash Shah, “Report of the Group of Experts on Privacy.”
Committee to Protect Journalists, “29 Journalists Killed in India Since 1992/Motive Confirmed,” accessed August 2013,
http://bit.ly/mnq7Mr; Prabhu Mallikarjunan, “Attacks on RTI Activists in India Raise Questions Over Safety Measures,” Indian
Express, January 17, 2013, http://newindianexpress.com/states/karnataka/article1423834.ece.
Jaideep Mazumdar, “The Imphal Taliban,” July 13, 2013, http://www.timescrest.com/opinion/the‐imphal‐taliban‐10718.
Rezwan, “India: Netizens Respond To Anonymous India's Protests,” Global Voices, June 9, 2012, http://bit.ly/LbCEzl.
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REEDOM ON THE
The Supreme Court cleared Prita Mulyasari on criminal and civil defamation charges
relating to a personal email she sent in 2009 (see V
Electronic defamation could lead to 6 years imprisonment or $80,000 fines; offline,
most sentences are less than 2 years—fines amount to 40 cents (see V
Overbroad blocks on pornography compromised legitimate websites, including LGBT
content (see L
In October 2012, the Constitutional Court rejected a request for judicial review of the
State Intelligence Law (see V
In mid-2013, an expert told the Associated Press 50 to 100 militants had been
recruited directly through Facebook in the past two years (see L
Obstacles to Access (0-25)
Limits on Content (0-35)
Violations of User Rights (0-40)
*0=most free, 100=least free
REEDOM ON THE
Economic development and a democratic political system have spurred internet use in Indonesia,
though poor infrastructure across the archipelago’s 16,000 islands keeps connections spotty in rural
areas. Where people once relied on cybercafés, however, they are increasingly using mobile phones
to go online. This change has fuelled the nation’s extraordinary appetite for social media. Facebook
usage in the world’s fourth most populous country has shot up in the past four years, while Twitter
is a lifestyle staple for young internet users, and increasingly politicians. President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, who will complete his second term in office in 2014, has over 3 million followers.
Though introduced in 1994, internet access only gained momentum after 1998, when the
authoritarian leader Suharto resigned in the face of public protests and Indonesia began its transition
to democratic rule. Yet the political upheaval, which facilitated extensive human rights abuses that
were underreported in the traditional media, may still be impeding online discourse. Of the
millions of active blogs and social media accounts, comparatively few are dedicated to domestic
Home to the world’s largest Muslim population, as well as many different ethnicities, Indonesia’s
religious and racial tensions are felt in the online space. A sweeping ban on pornography affects
many sites offering legitimate information on sex education, LGBT groups, and tribal culture.
Security threats have resulted in a total of nine laws granting various agencies power to intercept
electronic communications, but existing privacy protections are inadequate. Just two of the laws
require judicial oversight, and civil society groups declared one of these—a 2011 law governing
monitoring for intelligence purposes—unconstitutional in 2012. The Constitutional Court rejected
their petition for judicial review of the law in October 2012.
Civil society opposition to laws criminalizing legitimate online speech also has yet to bear fruit.
Dozens of ordinary internet users have faced criminal charges for defamation via social media or
personal email under a 2008 Information and Electronic Transactions (ITE) law. By international
standards, civil laws are more appropriate than criminal in defamation disputes.
Yet the 2008 law
made existing sentences in the penal code even harsher for defamation committed electronically.
Spoken or written insults could result in a few months or, at worst, four years behind bars; the
same content shared online or on a cell phone comes with a maximum of six years imprisonment.
Meanwhile, fines for defamation outlined in the penal code could be paid with less than 50 cents,
according to the conversion rate on April 30, 2013.
Under the ITE law, defamation could cost the
defendant around $80,000.
In 2012, the Supreme Court overturned the landmark convictions of housewife Prita Mulyasari on
criminal as well as civil defamation charges relating to a personal email she sent in 2009.
Astonishingly, this has yet to result in reform of the ITE law’s disproportionate penalties.
Article 19, “Criminal Defamation,” accessed August 2013, http://www.article19.org/pages/en/criminal‐defamation.html.
All conversion rates date from April 30, 2013 or the date of the source document, unless otherwise specified.
REEDOM ON THE
Meanwhile, an anticybercrime bill drafted in 2010, which would also provide heavier punishments
for crimes committed online than existing laws, appears to be still pending. Authorities cite the
wider reach of the internet as justification for this bias against ICTs. But they fail to recognize that
when criminal complaints can be filed by any individual, the web is just as likely to create new
opportunities for vindictive prosecution as it is to damage reputations.
Internet penetration in Indonesia was just over 15 percent in 2012, according to the International
Telecommunication Union, citing a national statistics agency.
Other estimates were above 20
Access is not evenly distributed, however. Cable is costly to install across the world’s
largest archipelago, and poor infrastructure, combined with poverty in rural areas, keeps internet
use heavily concentrated in cities, particularly on the islands of Java and Bali. One November 2012
survey estimated more than 90 percent of web users lived in urban areas.
The country’s main
network-access providers, which link retail level ISPs to the internet backbone, are also clustered
on Java, particularly in Jakarta. Mobile phone usage, on the other hand, is almost ubiquitous.
Mobile penetration was measured at 115 percent in 2012, indicating some users have more than
In the past, personal internet access was reserved for older, middle, or upper class urban residents.
That may be changing, since the nation’s largest broadband provider reported a 41 percent jump in
fixed-line subscribers from 2012 to 2013.
Yet broadband service, which averages IDR 150,000
($12) per month for a fixed-line connection, remains expensive and inconvenient for many.
Wireless service is transforming the market, and mobile access has become more popular than
cybercafes, according to one survey, which reported that 62 percent of urban respondents went
online using a phone in 2012. Less than half used a cybercafe, down from 83 percent in 2009.
The government, particularly the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCI),
has made internet expansion a priority. To connect rural areas, the MCI launched a program to
establish desa pintar (smart villages) with high quality internet and mobile phone reception. By
2012, the MCI reported connecting 5,958 villages.
International Telecommunication Union, “Percentage of Individuals Using the Internet, 2000‐2012,” http://bit.ly/14IIykM .
The Indonesian Internet Service Provider Association reported 63 million internet users in a population of 240 million in 2012,
putting penetration at 26 percent, while digital market research firm eMarketer reported 24 percent penetration in 2012. See,
Asosiasi Penyelenggara Jasa Internet Indonesia, “Indonesia Internet User, 2012” http://bit.ly/19KvxsR; Muhammad Al Azhari,
“LTE May Herald an Internet Revolution in Indonesia,” May 3, 2013,
http://bit.ly/13lfjln; eMarketer, “In Indonesia, a New Digital
Class Emerges,” March 12, 2013, http://bit.ly/10yQ2ET.
eMarketer, “In Indonesia, a New Digital Class.”
International Telecommunication Union, “Mobile‐cellular Telephone Subscriptions, 2000‐2012.”
“Info Memo,” Telkom Indonesia, 1Q2013, http://bit.ly/1bhCVOb.
Survey respondents were aged between 15 and 50. eMarketer, “In Indonesia’s Cities, Mobile Boost Internet to No 2 Media
Spot,” January, 30, 2013, http://bit.ly/XgM0yu.
“Inilah Sederet Prestasi Yang Diklaim Kominfo” [Communications Ministry Achievements of 2012], Detik, January 14, 2013,
REEDOM ON THE
Indonesia has a range of digital service providers, although some privately-owned providers have
close ties to government ministers. The two largest ISPs are PT Telecom, which is majority state-
owned, and Indosat.
Their dominance—along with regulatory obstacles imposed by the
government— poses challenges for small ISPs entering the market. Nevertheless, the Indonesian
Internet Service Provider Association, APJII,
had over 250 member ISPs and network access
providers in 2013, accounting for around 90 percent of the national total.
Of the nine mobile phone service providers in operation, the most prominent are PT Telkomsel,
which covers 60 percent of the market, PT Indosat, with 21 percent, and PT XL Axiata with 19
Despite their individual allegiances to officials, Indonesian ISPs are a close-knit community thanks
to the APJII, which was founded in 1996. In 1997, tired of routing local traffic through expensive
and inefficient international channels—and wary of a government-led solution—they
independently created the Indonesia Internet Exchange to allow member ISPs to interconnect
APJII also engages the government on behalf of providers regarding censorship,
legal, and regulatory issues in ways that freedom of expression experts view as largely constructive.
In January 2013, experts were particularly vocal when the attorney general’s office filed corruption
charges against one ISP, IM2, for selling bandwidth under a public frequency licensed only to its
parent company, Indosat.
IM2 was accused of avoiding a private tax rate on the frequency,
causing state losses of IDR 1.3 trillion ($134 million).
The investigation was ongoing during the
coverage period of this report; a judge ordered IM2 to pay the full amount in damages and jailed a
former executive for four years in a highly contested verdict in July.
Since ISPs generally rent
frequencies from other companies in Indonesia, the APJII condemned the investigation along with
the business community and even Tifatul Sembiring, the communication and information minister.
Their concerns seemed well-founded in February when an anti-corruption organization filed a
report with the attorney general’s office accusing 16 more ISPs and 5 mobile service providers of a
It is not clear if those providers will face prosecution.
Ronald J. Deibert et al., “Indonesia,” in Access Contested: Security, Identity, and Resistance in Asian Cyberspace, ed.
(Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012),
Asosiasi Penyelenggara Jasa Internet Indonesia.
Irvan Nasrun, “Indonesia ISP Association” (presentation, APJII, August 13, 2013),
http://www.apjii.or.id/v2/upload/Artikel/APJII‐JAPAN‐ASEAN%20Information%20Security.pdf; Muhamad Al Azhari, “An
Internet Case of Fraud, Tax Evasion,” Jakarta Globe, February 22, 2013, http://bit.ly/1ajhRsL.
Oxford Business Group, “The Big Three: A Battle for Subscribers and Profit, Indonesia 2012,”
Andy Kurniawan, “Indonesia Internet eXchange, IIX: IIX and IIXv.6 Development Update 2007” (presentation, Asia Pacific
Network Information Centre), accessed August 2013, http://archive.apnic.net/meetings/25/program/ix/id‐ix‐update.pdf.
“IM2 Preparing Defense Ward Internet Doomsday,” Jakarta Post, January 15, 2013, http://bit.ly/15CrmNm ; Al Azhari, “An
Internet Case of Fraud.”
Conversion as of January 15, 2013, according to Oanda. The value of the rupiah plunged in 2013; as of July 19, 2013, when
news reports announced the verdict, the same amount came to US$128 million.
Mariel Grazella, “Telco firms rattled by IM2 verdict,” Jakarta Post, July 9, 2013,
Al Azhari, “An Internet Case of Fraud.”
REEDOM ON THE
The MCI’s Directorate General of Post and Informatics (DGPT) is the primary body overseeing
telephone and internet services, responsible for issuing licenses to ISPs, cybercafes, and mobile
phone service providers. The Indonesia Telecommunication Regulation Body (BRTI) also regulates
and supervises telecommunications. There is some overlap between the mandates and
responsibilities of the two agencies. Based on the ministerial decree that established it, BRTI is
supposed to be generally independent and includes nongovernment representatives. However,
observers have questioned its effectiveness and independence, as it is headed by the DGPT director,
and draws its budget from DGPT allocations. In May 2012, Sembiring inaugurated nine full BRTI
members for the years 2012 through 2015. Two additional members remain from the previous
Tens of thousands of websites related to pornography, violent extremism, or censorship
circumvention are blocked in Indonesia under laws that grant the government power to filter
content without judicial oversight. While there is no systematic abuse of this system to restrict
political content, many minority groups, like the LGBT community, find their content inaccessible
with no clear avenue of appeal. Social media and communications apps are avidly used, though
their potential for spreading hate speech remains a concern. Google blocked the notorious
‘Innocence of Muslims’ video on YouTube after it sparked unrest.
The internet has expanded Indonesians’ access to information, as they are no longer dependent on
traditional media for news; many have adopted the internet as their main information source. In
response, the government’s approach has shifted. The 2008 ITE Law granted the MCI powers to
monitor and censor online content at its own discretion without a court order, though it did not
outline the process involved.
An anti-pornography law was also passed in 2008
—and upheld by
the courts in 2010, despite being challenged as unconstitutional.
Since then, filtering of pornographic material has increased, particularly after some public celebrity
sex tape scandals in 2010.
Defining what constitutes pornography, however, has proved a
stumbling block in the Muslim majority nation. The U.S.-based website of the Free Speech
Coalition, a trade association for the adult entertainment industry, is censored, along with multiple
other legitimate sites. Sex education resources and websites hosted by LGBT organizations, both
BRTI, “Pelantikan Anggota Komite Badan Regulasi Telekomunikasi Indonesia Periode 2012‐2015” [Inaugural Regulatory
Committee Members Indonesian Telecommunications Regulatory Body Period 2012‐2015], May 3, 2013,
Article 40(2) of the ITE Law states that “the government, in compliance with the prevailing laws and regulations, aims at
protecting public interest from all forms of disturbances that result from the abuse of electronic information and electronic
transaction. Law No. 11 of 2008 on Electronic Transaction and Information, available at
“Law No. 44 on Pornography.”
Karishma Vaswani, “Indonesia Upholds Anti‐pornography Bill,” BBC, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8586749.stm.
OpenNet Initiative, “Country Profile—Indonesia,” August 9, 2012, http://opennet.net/research/profiles/indonesia.
REEDOM ON THE
domestically and overseas, are consistently filtered, and even art and traditional attire can be
The ministry is not known to systematically filter political content or anti-government criticism,
though other broad restrictions are in place. Encryption and circumvention tools are blocked,
though some can be found in practice. Sites that promote terrorism and file-sharing are also subject
to restrictions. In 2011, after a suicide bomber attacked a church in central Java, the MCI
announced that it would block 300 out of 900 Islamist websites that the public had reported for
promoting violence, radicalism or terrorism, though the list of sites was not published.
year, representatives of the Indonesian music industry urged the MCI to shutter 20 websites that
enabled users to download songs without permission from the artists;
four remain closed.
July 2012, the APJII mooted banning all websites that allow illegal downloads, but this had yet to
appear by the end of the coverage period.
There is a general lack of clarity about censorship decisions and how to challenge them. The MCI
maintains an online database of blacklisted domains and URLs, Trust Positif, as a reference for
providers on what to filter. Trust Positif listed over 745,000 domain names and 55,000 URLs for
pornographic content in 2013, a slight—but not dramatic—increase over the previous year;
site also provides an email address and form for individuals to report illegal content.
Implementation of these blocks, however, is often inconsistent across service providers. Some
requests are apparently also issued directly to providers on an ad hoc basis, while individual
companies have been willing to reverse or ignore censorship orders. In early 2012, the U.S.-based
International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission reported that a handful of mobile service
providers had begun blocking its website on MCI instructions, though at least one operator did not
Besides the ministry, the independent Nawala Foundation provides a free DNS server enabling
service providers to block hundreds of thousands of websites for pornography and gambling, among
other categories; a 2013 news report said it had blocked 600 fraudulent stores.
It does not publish
its database, and users generally learn sites are unavailable when they encounter the service’s error
Ratri Adityarani, “To Fight Terrorism Indonesia Blocks 300 Websites,” TechinAsia, September 29, 2011, http://www.penn‐
Achmud Rouzni Noor II, “Menkominfo Didesak Tutup 20 Situs Musik Ilegal” [MCI Pushed to Close Down 20 Illegal Music
Website], Detik, July 21 2011, http://www.detikinet.com/read/2011/07/21/161521/1686205/398/menkominfo‐didesak‐tutup‐
Mp3lagu, Pandumusica, Musik‐flazher, and Freedownloadmp3 are no longer accessible, but it was not clear if they were shut
down or voluntarily discontinued.
“Indonesia’s ISPs to Block Pirated Music Sites,” Jakarta Post, July 6, 2012,
The full database is available at Trust Positif, http://trustpositif.kominfo.go.id/files/downloads/index.php?dir=database%2F.
International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission, “IGLHRC Website Banned,” February 7, 2012,
“Selain Situs Porno, DNS Nawala Hadang Toko Online Palsu” [In Addition to Porn, DNS Nawala Blocks Fake Online Stores],
Detik, April 22, 2013, http://inet.detik.com/read/2013/04/22/082832/2226480/323/selain‐situs‐porno‐dns‐nawala‐hadang‐
REEDOM ON THE
message while browsing. Nawala provides a form for website owners subject to accidental
blocking, though how it processes these complaints and how often it complies is not clear.
The government has threatened service providers with intermediary liability for failing to
implement censorship in the past. In 2011, Research in Motion (RIM) agreed to filter pornographic
websites on their BlackBerry devices in Indonesia after the government regulator warned that the
firm’s market access could be restricted if it failed to comply.
When attempting to access a
blocked site, BlackBerry users reportedly encounter a technical error rather than a message
informing them that access to the site has been deliberately restricted.
In 2012, the Indonesian government made 45 requests to Google to delete videos on YouTube, an
increase over the previous year.
Most requests cited religious reasons, likely in connection with
the “Innocence of Muslims” video uploaded in the United States, ostensibly to promoting a movie
that denounced Islam.
Many Indonesians joined restive street demonstrations to protest against
the video, and police said the film drove an increase in terror plots, including one targeting the
U.S. embassy in Jakarta.
Tifatul Sembiring publicly confirmed the government had requested that
Google block 16 URLs to make it inaccessible in Indonesia.
Some activists have successfully used digital tools to mobilize in defense of internet freedom. Strong
opposition from civil society actors and even some ISPs has successfully derailed some plans for
more stringent censorship. A draft Regulation on Multimedia Content introduced in early 2010
prompted a public outcry and fears of increased internet censorship, but it has remained on hold
since. The blogging community also rallied round Prita Mulyasari, an internet user accused of
criminal defamation in 2009, with a huge campaign called Koin Keadilan (“Justice Penny,”)
collecting tens of thousands of dollars on her behalf.
Indonesia has enjoyed a thriving blogosphere since around 1999, though traditional media outlets—
rather than blogs—typically cover important political developments and corruption investigations.
Many of the earliest blogs were written by overseas Indonesians working in IT, until the younger
generation adopted the medium to write about their daily lives. By 2005 and 2006, blogs had begun
Femi Adi, “RIM Says Committed To Indonesia, Will Block Porn on BlackBerrys,” Bloomberg, January 17, 2011,
Suryadhi, “Sensor di Blackberry terus diawasi” [Censorship on Blackberry Continuously Observed], Detik Inet, January 21, 2011,
Google Transparency Report, http://www.google.com/transparencyreport/removals/government/ID/?by=product
Ian Lovett, “Man Linked to Film in Protests Is Questioned,” New York Times, September 15, 2012,
questioned.html?_r=2&ref=internationalrelations&; Michael Joseph Gross, “Disaster Movie,” Vanity Fair, December 27, 2012,
The Associated Press, “Indonesia Terror Attack: 'Innocence Of Muslims' Film Said To Fuel Embassy Plot,” via Huffington Post,
October 19, 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/10/29/indonesia‐terror‐attack_n_2038441.html.
“Soal Video ‘Innocence of Muslims’, Tifatul: Sudah 16 URL Diblokir” [‘Innocence of Muslims Video, Tifatul: 16 URLs Already
Blocked], Detik, September 18, 2013, http://news.detik.com/read/2012/09/18/160114/2024496/10/soal‐video‐innocence‐of‐
Mega Putra Ratya, “Penghitungan selesai total koin Prita Rp. 650.364.058” [Counting of Coins for Prita has collected a total of
Rp. 650,364,058], Detik, December 19, 2009, http://m.detik.com/read/2009/12/19/113615/1262652/10/penghitungan‐selesai‐
Documents you may be interested
Documents you may be interested